DA 

407 
P4F4 


UC-NRLF 


B    M     071    ODD 


,•.      • • •• 


'  •mill 


MUTCTH.  FF^TEH^S, 


w/r/   ^/// ///////////  ^  //^//^^/^y 


///'/■//  ///// /.'/v^ /// //  //////^ 


MEMOIR, 


DEFENCE    OF 


HUGH    PETERS. 


JOSEPH  B.  FELT. 


Jusiitia  e3L  habitus  animi  suum  cuique  tribuens." — Cicero. 


BOSTON: 
PRINTED  BY  C.  C.  P.  MOODY,  52  WASHINGTON  STREET. 
»  1851. 


t     ,*    1  o       •  c 


MEMOIR. 


It  is  well  known,  that  the  view  taken  of  men  and  things,  accords 
with  the  medium,  through  which  they  are  observed.  If  such  me- 
dium be  clear  and  correct,  it  will,  of  course,  give  a  right  impression. 
If  not,  the  reverse  holds  true.  This  accounts  for  the  diversity  of 
opinions  entertained  of  the  person,  who  heads  this,  article. 

No  doubt,  as  subject  to  the  elements  of  imperfection,  he  had, 
like  all  his  race,  faults  to  con'ect  and  omissions  of  obligation  to 
deplore.  But,  looking  at  him  as  he  really  was,  or  supposed  to  be, 
some  have  esteemed  him  talented,  learned,  honest,  benevolent,  and 
magnanimous,  —  a  benefactor  of  his  fellow-beings  and  a  true  ser- 
vant of  God, — while  others  have  denied  him  these  excellencies  of 
character.  Among  the  former  class  we  profess  ourselves  to  be 
numbered.  This  is  a  principal  inducement  to  the  preparation  of 
the  subsequent  notice. 

The  parentage  of  Peters  (1)  was  highly  respectable.  His  father, 
son  of  Sir  John,  (2)  was  an  eminent  merchant  of  Fowey  (3) 
in  Cornwall,  whose  ancestors,  as  advocates  of  the  Reformation, 
were  compelled  to  flee  thither  from  the  city  of  Antwerp.  His 
mother,  Ehzabeth,  was  of  an  ancient  and  honourable  family, 
whose  name  was  Treffey  of  Place  in  the  Town  of  his  birth. 
Though  while  referring  to  this  subject,  he  regarded  such  descent 
as  desireable,  yet  he  apj.reciated  personal  merit  as  of  far  greater 
worth. 

The  birth  of  Peters  was  in  1599.  By  the  time  he  was  prepared 
to  enter  college,  adversity  crossed  the  prosperous  enterprise  of  his 
father.     His  elder  brothers  were  liberally  educated,  the  one,  \Vil- 

(1)  Part  of  this  account  is  given  in  his  Legacy  and  the  rest  by  his  biographer, 
Samue!  Peters,  LL.D. 

(2)  He  spelt  his  surname,  Peter. 

(3)  Camden  remarks,  "  Fowy  was  very  famous  in  the  last  age  for  sea-fights,  as 
is  ])lain  from  the  arms  of  the  place,  which  are  a  compound  of  all  thcss  of  the 
Cinque  ports."  iH;  -«  ^^iTI  fT  ^  M 

2  Mi 70^61 


4  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

liam,  at  Ley  den  University,  and  the  other,  Thomas,  at  Oxford. 
While  the  second  was  pursuing  his  studies  at  the  last  place,  Hugh 
entered  Trinity  of  Cambridge,  1613,  where  he  took  his  A.B.  in 
1617,  and  his  A.M.  1622. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  Brook,  in  his  lives  of  the  Puritans,  should 
so  readily  credit  the  slander  of  Kennet's  Chronicles,  when  he  had 
it  in  his  power  so  easily  to  have  corrected  the  error.  In  his 
account  of  Peters,  he  says,  "  It  is  indeed  observed,  that  when  he 
was  at  Cambridge,  he  was  so  lewd  and  insolent,  as  to  be  whipt 
in  the  Regent's  walk  —  a  punishment  scarcely  ever  inflicted  upon 
any  since,  or  perhaps  a  long  time  before,  and  so  expelled  forever 
from  the  University."  A  look  at  the  graduating  catalogue  of 
the  University,  shows  the  utter  falsity  of  his  expulsion,  being  the 
greater  punishment,  and  thus  strongly  implies,  that  the  less  and 
its  assigned  cause  are  of  an  equally  reckless  and  incredible  char- 
acter. 

Peters  was  connected  with  this  Seat  of  Learning  nine  years, 
where,  as  he  candidly  remarks,  "  I  spent  some  years  vainly  enough, 
being  but  14  years  old  when  thither  I  came ;  my  Tutor  died,  and 
I  was  exposed  to  my  shifts."  The  perils  of  his  inexperience,  uni- 
ted with  the  loss  of  his  appointed  adviser  and  protector,  were 
indeed  great.  Thus  situated,  he  gave  evidence  of  his  generous, 
strong,  and  filial  affection.  He  relates,  "that  estate  I  had  by  an 
uncle,  I  left  with  my  mother  and  lived  at  the  University."  Such 
self-denial  indicates,  that,  however  he  may  have  indulged  in  youth- 
ful gayeties,and  not  thus  have  so  closely  applied  himself  to  study 
as  he  should,  he  still  abstained  from  spending  his  substance  in 
dissipation.  About  to  leave  the  scene  of  his  literary  course, 
where  the  principles  and  character  of  young  men  pass  through  a 
fiery  Ordeal,  and  w^here,  too  often,  they  are  destroyed  or  greatly 
injured  in  the  trial,  Peters  took  his  way  to  London.  There  the 
covenant  promise  to  his  fathers  was  fulfilled  in  himself.  There 
the  arrow  of  revealed  truth  fastened  upon  liis  heart,  and  con- 
slrained  him  to  call  on  the  Great  Physician  for  heahng  mercy. 
His  words,  in  reference  to  such  experience,  follow:  "  God  struck 
m(;  with  the  sense  of  my  sinful  eslati^,  by  a  sermon  1  heard 
under  Pauls.  The  text  was  The  Burden  of  Dumah,  and  stuck 
fast."  This  important  event  in  his  religious  life,  occurred  when 
he  was  about  23  years  of  age.  He  regarded  it  with  all  the  seri- 
ousness, with  which  it  is  clad  by  tlu^  untM-ri ng  wisdom  of  the 
Gospel. 

(Jranger  mentions  the  gossip  of  (Mivy,  that  after  Peters  left 
College,  "  Ik;  betook  himself  to  the  stage,  where  he  accpiired  that 
gesticulation  and  buffoonery  which  he  practised  in  the  pulpit." 
The  candid  representation,  which  his  Legacy  gives  of  the  manner, 
in  which  he  spent  his  time  in  useful  engagements,  forbids  the 
allowance  of  such  a  report.  Indeed,  it  shows  that  his  heart  was 
turned  to  the  Sanctuary,  soon  after  he  left  College,  instead  of  the 
Theatre. 

His  mind  being  brought  to  dwell  thus  unusually  on  sj)iiitual 
subjects,  he  retired  to  Essex.     Here  he   was  much  assisted   by 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Pelers,  5 

Thomas  Hooker,  in  the  solution  of  his  doubts,  the  confirmation 
of  his  faith,  and  the  increase  of  his  hopes.  What  he  had  so 
learned  to  be  of  more  worth,  than  all  the  treasures  of  earth,  be- 
came the  theme  of  his  instructions  to  others.  Thus,  almost 
before  he  was  aware,  like  the  Apostle  Paul,  he  found  himself 
invested  with  the  anxieties  and  encouras^emcnts  of  delivcrini^  to 
attentive  audiences,  the  message  of  eternal  life.  Still  he  consid- 
ered himself  not  sufficiently  prepared  in  his  studies,  for  so  high  a 
calling.  He,  therefore,  decided  to  take  up  his  abode  in  the  me- 
tropolis. Before,  however,  he  did  this,  he  became  attached  to  a 
lady,  and,  as  he  describes  it, "  married  with  a  good  gentlewo- 
man." 

Having  returned  to  London,  he  attended  on  the  ministry  of 
Gouge,  Sibs  and  Davenport.  His  intention  was,  for  the  present, 
to  be  a  learner  and  not  a  teacher  of  theology.  But  the  importu- 
nity of  friends  was  stronger  than  his  purpose.  Being  licensed  by 
Dr.  Montaigne,  Bishop  of  the  same  city,  he  yielded  to  their  wishes. 
While  he  officiated  at  a  certain  place,  a  young  man  was  much 
interested  in  him  and  his  discourses,  and  made  strenuous  exer- 
tions to  have  him  preach  at  St.  Sepulchre's  once  a  month.  The 
person  so  energetic,  gave,  as  an  earnest  of  his  sincerity,  £30  a 
year  for  such  an  object..  Success  crowned  his  eflforts,  and  he  was 
highly  gratified  to  hear  Peters  in  the  pulpit,  where  he  wished  to 
have  him  appointed. 

Here  throngs  listened  to  the  fervid  and.  impressive  eloquence 
of  Peters.  Like  the  more  modern  Wesley  and  Whitefield,  his 
popularity  would  soon  draw  together  a  multitude.  His  motive, 
like  theirs,  was  not  mere  worldly  applause.  It  was  lighted  and 
purified  at  the  alter  of  Christian  truth,  and  it  raised  his  aspira- 
tions and  modified  his  toils,  so  as  to  benefit  his  hearers  in  their 
spiritual  and  eternal  interests.  Lender  such  influence,  sanctified 
to  them  by  the  Spirit  of  grace,  "  above  an  hundred  every  week 
were  pursuaded  from  sin  to  Christ." 

Thus  borne  along,  Peters  began  to  perceive,  that  every  aspect 
was  not  bright  and  every  way  not  smooth  in  his  progress.  Some 
looked  on  his  career  with  envy,  which  exhibited  itself  in  detrac- 
tion and  resistance.  His  right  purposes  and  benevolent  actions 
were  wTested  from  their  true  direction,  and  represented  in  the 
dark  hues  of  iniquitous  selfishness.  Others  were  angry,  that  he 
declined  strict  conformity  with  the  Rubric  and  Liturgy.  Conver- 
sant with  men,  like  Davenport  and  Hooker,  who  afterwards  be- 
came pillars  of  New  England  Congretionalism,  he  strongly  de- 
sired and  sought  with  them,  for  the  reformation  of  what  they 
deemed  corruptions  in  the  national  Episcopacy.  Of  course,  he 
was  ranked  with  the  Church  Puritans,  against  whom  James  I. 
encouraged  the  Arminians  and  Papists,  "  who  became  a  state 
faction  against  the  old  English  Constitution."  Such  policy,  in- 
tended by  its  promoters  as  their  main  dependance,  ultimately 
proved  as  a  broken  staff.  Before,  however,  its  lack  of  wisdom 
and  its  essential  weakness  were  sadly  manifested,  Laud,  while 


6  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

in  power,  risked  his  reputation  and  station  on  its  practice. 
This  Prelate  was  accustomed  to  remark  of  such  preachers  as 
Peters,  "they  were  the  most  dangerous  enemies  of  the  State, 
because  by  their  prayers  and  sermons  they  awakened  the  peo- 
ple's disaffection,  and  therefore  must  be  suppressed."  Brovight 
into  contact  with  the  influences  of  such  power,  backed  by  the 
fullest  support  of  the  Crown,  Peters  was  convinced,  that  he  must 
either  flee  from  it,  or  be  crushed,  as  to  his  liberty  and  labors. 
Having  concluded  that  duty  required  him,  like  many  others,  to 
give  up  all  the  endearments  of  native  country,  for  a  sojourn  on 
foreign  soil,  he  concluded  to  comply  with  the  painful  necessity. 
The  particulars  of  the  hard  measure,  he  received  from  the  hand 
of  government,  are  scantily  preserved.  He  modestly  refers  to  it 
and  briefly  states  it,  "  there,  at  St.  Sepulchres,  I  had  some 
trouble,  who  could  not  conform  to  all." 

Referring  to  himself  and  others,  who  left  home  and  kindred 
for  the  unmolested  enjoyment  of  their  religion,  he  adds,  "Truly  my 
reason  for  myself  and  others  to  go  was  merely  not  to  offend  au- 
thority in  that  difference  of  judgment,  and  had  not  the  book  for 
encouragement  of  Sports  on  the  Sabbath  come  forth,  many  had 
Btaid." 

Brook  informs  us  through  Huntley,  thgt  Peters,  while  praying 
for  the  Queen  in  the  same  church,  used  the  words,  "  that  as  she 
came  into  the  Goshen  of  safety,  so  the  light  of  Goshen  might 
shine  into  her  soul,  and  that  she  might  not  perish  in  the  day  of 
Christ."  This  was  a  suitable  petition  for  her  majesty,  who  was  a 
strenuous  Catholic,  by  one  who  professed  and  preached  the  Pro- 
testant faith.  But,  as  the  same  authority  relates,  such  an  utterance 
of  his  desires  reached  the  ears  of  Laud,  who  forbid  the  continuance 
of  his  ministry,  had  him  committed  to  close  confinement  in  New 
Prison,  and  kept  him  there  "  some  time  before  any  articles  were 
exhibited  against  him.  Though  certain  noblemen  offered  bail  for 
him,  it  was  refused."  At  length  he  was  released.  Such  was  the 
treatment,  which  led  him  to  the  conclusion  already  mentiont^d. 

While  the  law  was  brought  to  bear  so  heavily  upon  his  per- 
son, the  tongue  of  reproach  wounded  his  s])irit.  Various  writers 
have  noticed  the  insinuation  of  Langbaine,  that  Peters  had  im- 
proper intimacy  with  the  wife  of  one  among  his  parishioners. 
Granger  repeats  the  story,  and  says  that  in  consecpience  of  it 
"he  lied  to  ilotterdam."  Circumstances,  strong  as  fact,  with  his 
own  repeated  denials,  consign  tlu^  accusation  to  the  category  of 
idle,  if  not  malicious  falsehood.  At  tliis  very  time,  there  is  no 
appearance  tliat  his  ])eople  had  any  b(»lief  of  it ;  that  the  noble- 
men who  W(Te  anxious  to  free  him  from  inij)risoiHnent  ])ut  the 
last  conridcncte  in  it;  that  the  worthies,  with  whom  he  was  ef- 
ficiently <'ngaged  in  helping  to  coloni/e  our  territory,  listeiUHl  to 
it  for  a  moment.  And  sul)se(}uently,  there  is  not  the  least  indi- 
cation, that  the  English,  who  became  a  Congregational  Clinrch 
under  him,  on  the  C/Ontinent;  that  his  eminent  colleagues  there, 
Ames  and  Davenport ;  that  his  distinguished  iriend,  l^'orbes ;  that 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  7 

* 

the  authorities  and  people  of  Massachusetts ;  that  the  men  of 
high  rank  and  charaeter  who  were  his  firm  patrons  in  his  native 
kingdom  ;  and  the  Parliament,  who  placed  in  him  the  greatest 
confidence,  gave  any  credence  to  the  story.  Indeed,  the  many 
excellent  persons,  with  whom  he  was  most  intimate,  and  whose 
enterprise  for  freedom,  depended  mainly  on  the  purity  of  motive 
and  example  in  themselves  and  associates,  would  have  been 
the  first  to  notice  such  a  stain  upon  his  character,  had  it  existed, 
and  to  have  withdrawn  the  hand  and  countenance  of  friendship 
from  him,  had  he  so  forfeited  their  confidence.  But  th(;  fact, that 
he  pursued  the  straight  course  of  obligation,  as  he  believed  it^ 
and  shared  in  their  co-operation  and  support,  is  proof,  that,  how- 
ever political  foes  threw  out  hints  to  blacken  his  reputation,  they 
esteemed  him  honest  and  upright  in  all  his  relations  of  life.  The 
intimations,  that  he  left  his  country  to  be  rid  of  the  trouble,  re- 
sulting from  such  an  accusation,  is  clearly  without  the  least 
proof.  The  reason  for  his  exchange  of  residence,  as  given  by 
himself  and  others,  was  to  escape  the  persecution,  to  which  his 
principles  of  non-conformity  continually  exposed  him.  Besides, 
had  he  so  done,  when,  by  continual  intercourse  between  London 
and  the  Low  Countries,  his  character  would  have  followed  him 
wherever  he  went,  it  would  have  been  absurd  for  him  to  attempt 
another  eligible  settlement  in  the  ministry,  and  gain  friends  among 
the  best  and  most  respected.  But  he  did  succeed  in  these  wor- 
thy objects,  and  the  inference  justly  is,  that  his  was  not  the  flight 
of  a  scape-grace.  When  under  sentence  of  death,  and  in  view 
of  the  solemnities  of  speedy  judgment  before  an  Omniscient  ar- 
biter, when  solicitous  that  his  motives  and  faith  might  bear  the 
soul-searching  scrutiny,  a  religious  friend  desired  him  to  tell 
the  truth  on  this  very  point.  His  hearty  and  serious  reply  was, 
*'  I  bless  the  Lord  I  am  wholly  clear  in  that  matter,  and  I  never 
knew  any  woman  but  my  own  wife."  In  his  dying  counsels  to 
his  daughter,  he  adverted  to  the  same  matter  and  remarked,  "  By 
my  zeal,  it  seems,  I  have  exposed  myself  to  all  manner  of  re- 
proach," 

So  situated,  he  was  among  many  of  the  best  men  in  England, 
who  sympathized  with  the  plans  and  endeavors  of  the  Rev.  John 
White,  whose  heart  was  set  upon  the  preparation  of  a  refuge  in 
Massachusetts,  for  the  troubled  Puritans  of  his  own  country. 
Immediately  after  a  Patent  was  obtained  of  the  Council  for  New- 
England,  Peters  was  the  first  clergyman,  who  subscribed  towards 
the  funds  for  so  needful  and  noble  an  enterprise.  On  this 
occasion,  stirring  to  the  hearts  and  hopes  of  those,  who  longed 
for  a  permanent  abode,  where  all,  tried  like  themselves,  might 
enjoy  their  principles  and  forms  of  religion  without  molestation, 
he  subscribed  c£oO.  The  paper,  for  this  purpose,  was  dated  May, 
1628.  It  began  with  words  of  solemnity,  "  In  the  name  of  God, 
Amen,"  and  contained  the  petition,  "  Whereunto  the  Almighty 
grant  prosperous  and  happy  success,  that  the  same  may  redound 
to  his  glory  and  the  propagation  of  the   Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ 


8  ^  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

On  the  30th  of  the  same  month,  (1)  deeply  interested  in  the 
emigration  of  Endicott  and  his  company  for  so  elevated  an  ob- 
ject, Peters  unites  with  thirteen  others,  in  signing  his  instructions 
for  the  government  of  the  Colony,  ahready  under  the  direction  of 
the  estimable  Conant. 

With  his  mind  and  heart  on  an  undertaking,  so  congenial  with 
his  wishes  and  sentiments,  the  circumstances,  which  called  for  a 
removal,  came  to  a  crisis.  He  looked  to  Holland  and  New  Eng- 
land as  a  field  for  his  labor.  The  preponderance  of  present 
reasons  favored  the  former.     He  went  thither  about  the  close   of 

1628,  to  ascertain  more  fully  what  would  be  the  prospect  of  his 
usefulness  in  the  Low  Countries.  In  the  mean  while,  he  had 
serious  thoughts  of  emigrating  hither  with  Higginson,  Skelton, 
and  other  ministers,  to  aid  in  the  great  work  of  founding  a  relig- 
ious Commonwealth.     He  had  returned  to  London  by  May  11, 

1629,  when  he  attended  a  Court  of  Assistants,  who  convened  to 
hear  the  proposition  of  Oldham,  relative  to  the  Gorges  Patent. 
This  was  embraced  in  the  Charter  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
pany, and,  as  to  the  manner  of  its  being  granted,  was  sensible 
evidence  of  the  design,  entertained  by  the  royal  party  of  England, 
to  overthrow  the  liberties  of  Congregationalism  in  New  Plymouth, 
and  to  crush  their  buddings  wherever  else  they  might  appear.  On 
the  13th,  he  was  also  at  the  Court  of  Election  for  officers  of  the 
same  Corporation.  The  nature  of  their  purpose  was  too  much  in 
harmony  with  his  own  convictions  of  what  tended  to  the  best 
welfare  of  his  race,  to  allow  his  absence  from  such  conventions. 
To  meet  his  calculation  for  the  period  between  this  time  and  his 
emigration  to  America,  he  must  have  returned  soon  to  Holland. 

So  constrained  to  forsake  the  society  of  his  countrymen,  with 
whom  he  loved  to  take  counsel  and  co-operate  for  the  preservation 
and  spread  of  Puritanism,  then  the  butt  of  ridicule  with  courtiers, 
he  still  continued  his  ministrations  of  the  Gospel.  Tlie  cause  of 
Christianity  was  precious  to  him  in  every  clime  and  under  all 
changes.  He  realized  the  fact,  that  such  was  the  infniite  wisdom 
of  its  doctrines,  they  were  suited  to  the  necessities  of  his  race, 
whatever  might  be  their  temporal  condition,  either  prosperous  or 
adverse,  either  as  friends  or  foes,  acquaintances  or  strangers.  He 
deeply  f(^lt,  that  the  spiritual  wants  of  all,  with  whom  his  lot  was 
providentially  cast,  called  for  like  sympathy,  zeal,  and  (wertion. 

Though  a  minute  and  extended  acciuaintance  with  the  events 
of  his  nc^wly  (^liosen  residence,  is  very  desiral)le  to  the  incpiirers, 
who  would  follow  him,  yet  they  can  discover  but  a  few  scattered 
facts  in  the  pursuit.  He  himself,  though  associated  with  some 
among  the  most  worthy  and  distinguished  of  his  profession,  after 
specifying  the  years  of  his  continnan(*(%  sententiously  observes, 
that  it  was  spent  "not  without  the  j)resenc('  of  (Jod  in  my  work.'' 

In  the  answer  of  .lolin  Paget,  minister  of  Amsterdam,  to  the 
publication  of  Davenport,   as  given   by   Ilanbury,  we  have   the 

(1)  The  date  here  is  as  llutcliinson  has  it,  but  Young's  Massachusetts  Chroni- 
cles, p.  135,  give  Sept.  13,  which  is  a  mistake. 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  9 

ensuing  passage :  "For  Mr.  Peters,  though  at  his  first  coming 
I  gave  some  way,  and  opposed  not  snch  as  sought  to  have  him 
here,  yet  after  some  time  of  his  continuance  in  this  country,  when 
he  was  called  and  confirmed  for  Pastor  of  the  EngUsh  church  at 
Rotterdam  ;  when,  after  this,  a  new  proposition  was  again  made 
for  calhiig  him  hither,  I  acknowledged  that  I  did  not  consent  unto 
it."  He  had  previously  declared,  that  he  opposed  the  settlement 
of  Ames  and  Forbes,  because  he  disagreed  with  them  on  points  of 
ecclesiastical  order.  It  seemed  that  for  a  like  cause,  he  was  un- 
willing to  favor  the  call  of  Peters  in  Amsterdam  before  and  after 
his  installation  in  Rotterdam. 

Here  Peters  was  colleague  with  the  noted  William  Ames,  who 
left  a  professorship  at  the  University  of  Francker,  to  be  united 
with  him  in  Gospel  labors,  and  who,  like  himself,  was  heartily  in- 
terested in  the  experiment  of  the  New  England  colonists.  He 
was  an  intimate  friend  of  one,  who  had  been  made  bishop  by 
James,  but  was  obliged,  through  difference  in  opinion  with  the 
Covenanters,  to  leave  a  divinity  professorship  at  Aberdeen.  In 
reference  to  such  a  connexion,  his  words  were,  "  I  lived  near  that 
famous  Scotsman,  Mr.  John  Forbes,  with  whom  I  travelled  into 
Germany,  and  enjoyed  his  society  in  much  love  and  sweetness 
constantly,  from  whom  I  received  nothing  but  encouragement, 
though  we  differed  in  the  way  of  our  churches."  Enjoying  the 
confidence  and  affection  of  his  senior  co-pastor,  he  was  called,  ere 
long,  to  be  deprived  of  his  advice  and  aid  in  the  cure  of  souls. 
This  event,  which  he  sincerely  lamented,  took  place  Nov.,  1633. 
Alluding  to  it,  his  language  was,  "  The  learned  Amesius  breathed 
his  last  into  my  bosom."  For  several  months,  and  perhaps  longer, 
before  Hooker  came  to  this  country,  in  the  same  year,  he  assisted 
Ames,  who  was  probably  sick  with  the  Asthma,  to  which  he  was 
subject,  and  thus  was  co-worker  with  Peters.  By  this  means, 
Hooker  and  Peters  renewed  their  former  intimate  friendship,  and 
they  with  Ames,  actuated  by  similar  motives  and  purposes,  were 
lilve  a  three  fold  cord,  not  easily  broken. 

In  the  able  preface  of  Hooker  to  the  celebrated  work  of  Ames, 
"  A  fresh  suit  against  human  ceremonies  in  God's  worship,"  he 
remarked  of  himself,  the  two  with  whom  he  was  so  united,  and 
others  dispersed  abroad  from  their  mother  country  or  suffering  at 
home  —  "  Consider  how  many  poor  Ministers  are  under  pressure, 
some  fled,  some  imprisoned,  many  suspended,  themselves  and 
families  undone."  As  Hooker  embarked  for  this  land  of  spiritual 
promise  to  all  of  kindred  sentiment,  prior  to  the  decetise  of  Ames, 
Peters  was  severely  tried  by  being  deprived  of  their  society,  in  the 
course  of  a  short  period. 

For  nearly  two  years  after  the  last  of  such  bereavements,  Peters 
faithfully  discharged  the  duties  of  his  high  vocation.  But  to  the 
interruption  of  his  peaceable  and  beneficial  labors,  he  perceived, 
that  the  influence  of  Bishop  Laud,  was  increasingly  extended,  that 
the  civil  protection  around  his  asylum,  was  not  proof  against  the 
power  of  that  Primate,  whose  room  and  library  in  part,  were,  in  a 


10  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

way,  not  yet  revealed  to  mortal  ken,  to  become  his  own  for  a  series 
of  years.  On  this  point,  Winthrop  informs  us,  while  speaking  of 
Peters, "  Who  being  persecuted  by  the  English  ambassador,  who 
would  have  brought  his  and  other  churches  to  the  English  discipline." 

Thus  renewedly,  though  alike  tried  as  before,  the  heart  of 
Peters  was  still  with  the  American  home  of  the  Puritans.  For 
years  he  had  considered  himself  pledged  to  conform  with  the  call 
of  his  friends  in  Massachusetts,  whenever  the  necessities  of  the 
colonists  should  cry,  "  Come  over  and  help  us."  This  message 
having  reached  liim,  he  felt  relieved  from  obligation  to  toil  in  the 
old  world  for  the  advancement  of  the  cause,  which  he  hoped  to 
promote,  more  fully  and  speedily,  where  it  had  not  the  long  estab- 
lished opposition  of  Royalty  and  Prelacy,  immediately  to  encounter. 
Not  only  was  he  desirous,  that  he  might  be  instrumental  in  help- 
ing to  keep  the  flame  of  reformation  alive  among  the  civiUzed, 
but  also  to  spread  its  rays  among  the  benighted  Indians.  This 
two-fold  object  was  the  common  profession  of  all  the  leading 
clergy  and  laity,  who  combined  their  energies  in  the  wise  and 
beneficial  design  of  erecting  a  reformed  State  and  Church,  on 
these  shores.  Peters  observed,  that  in  relation  to  it,  his  own 
views,  desires,  and  intentions  harmonized  with  those  of  "  that 
good  man,  my  dear,  firm  friend,  ]Mr.  White  of  Dorchester." 

So  invited  and  sustained,  he  was  deeply  interested  in  every 
movement,  which  helped  forward  these  objects  in  the  western 
world.  This  very  year,  Lion  Gardener,  Engineer  under  the 
Prince  of  Orange  in  the  Low  Countries, "  through  the  persuasion 
of  Mr.  John  Davenport,  Mr.  Hugh  Peters,  and  other  well  affected 
Englishmen  of  Rotterdam,"  makes  an  agreement  with  the  "  fore- 
named  Mr.  Peters,  for  four  years,  to  serve  the  patentees,  namely 
the  Lord  Say,  the  Lord  Brook,"  and  others.  Such  a  compact 
had  reference  to  the  settlement  of  Say  brook  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut,  as  another  plantation  chiefly  for  the  spread  of  Gospel 
ordinances  and  influences.  1635.  This  year,  Paget  replied  to  a 
publication  of  Davenport,  issued  the  year  before,  who  had  been  his 
colleague  in  the  ministry.  The  former,  in  remarking  on  the  vari- 
ance of  his  opinion  on  some  points  from  that  of  other  theologians, 
used  this  language :  "  Mr.  Peters  hath  by  his  practice  declared  his 
judgment,  that  it  is  lawful  to  communicate  with  the  Brownists 
in  their  worship,  and  by  his  example  hath  strengthened  divers 
members  of  our  Church  therein  ;  such  as  sundry  of  these  com- 
plainants are,  already  too  much  addicted  to  resort  unto  the 
assembly  of  s(;hismatics  and  to  hear  them  I" 

Doing  in  any  direction  what  his  hand  lound  to  do  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  obligations,  Peters  bid  adieu  to  the  diversified  scene 
of  his  hopes  and  fears,  consolations  and  trials,  after  "  five  or  six 
years'"  experience,  and  launched  upon  the  ocean  with  his  course 
directed  hithervvard.  I^nt  being  a  marked  man  in  the  view  of 
advocates  for  high  church  principles,  th("y  could  not  sutler  him  to 
depart  in  peace.  Dr.  Nichols,  one  of  their  (•hainj)ions,  as  (pioted 
by  Brook,  represents  that  Peters  was  so  un[)0}Milar,  that  he  was 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  11 

obliged  to  leave  Rotterdam  and  seek  for  anotlior  sphere  of  occu- 
pation. The  facts,  however,  that  while  in  Massachnsetts  and 
subsequently  in  England,  he  was  employed  by  the  authorities  to 
transact  important  business  for  them  in  Holland,  because  of  his 
high  repute  and  great  influence  there,  shows  that  such  a  repre- 
sentation was  the  off-shoot  of  prejudice  and  not  of  truth. 

After  the  usual  occurrences  in  crossing  the  Atlantic,  P<'ters  ar- 
rived at  Boston,  Oct.  6,  1635,  with  many  passengers  in  the  ships, 
Abigail  and  Defence.  Several  ministers,  embarked  in  the  like 
sacred  enterprise,  came  with  him,  as  John  Wilson,  who  had  been 
here  before,  and  Samuel  Shepard.  Their  plan,  like  moral  obli- 
gation, was  perfect,  but  they  well  knew  their  own  deficiencv  in 
corresponding  excellence  to  carry  it  out,  and,  therefore,  their  sup- 
plications were  frequent  and  fervent  to  Him,  who  giveth  strength 
to  the  weak  and  help  to  the  needy.  Among  his  descriptions, 
Johnson  says,  "  This  year  came  over  the  famous  Hugh  Peters, 
whose  courage  was  not  inferior  to  any  of  these  transported  ser- 
vants. 

With  courage  bold  Peters,  a  SouUlier  stout, 
In  WilUernesse  for  Christ  begins  to  war." 

"With  health  some  impaired  and  spirits  usually  buoyant,  but 
occasionally  much  depressed,  Peters  was  desirous  to  consult  with 
the  Elders  here,  face  to  face,  and  particularly  as  to  his  continuance 
in  the  country.  He  found  the  Colony '  in  a  condition  of  alarm, 
lest  the  government,  at  home,  would  fit  out  vessels  of  war  for 
compelling  them  to  surrender  their  charter,  and  also  of  perplex- 
ity from  the  opposition,  made  by  Roger  WilUams  and  his  friends 
against  administering  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  people,  as  a 
means  of  greater  security.  While  in  this  attitude,  he  was  far 
from  folding  his  "  hands  to  sleep."  He  divided  his  Sabbath  labors 
between  Boston  and  Salein.  At  the  last  Town,  there  had  been 
much  excitement  and  trouble  in  the  Church,  concerning  the  la- 
mentable case  of  Williams,  who  was  still  there  under  sen- 
tence of  banishment,  and  had  withdrawn  from  worshipping 
with  his  parish.  On  this  account,  the  ministrations  of  Peters  had 
need  of  prudence  consistent  with  truth,  and  without  offence  to 
minds,  which  were  still  chafed  by  disagreement  on  the  points  of 
their  recent  controversy. 

From  this  quarter  his  attention  was  summoned  to  another. 
He  signs  with  Wlnthrop  and  Henry  Vane,  as  agents  for  Jjords 
Say,  Brook  and  associates,  who  were  strong  supporters  of  the 
Puritan  cause,  —  an  address  to  the  emigrants,  who  had  gone 
from  the  Bay  to  Connecticut  and  located  themselves  on  the  Pa- 
tent, claimed  by  such  noblemen  and  the  rest  of  their  company. 
The  intent  of  the  communication  was  to  ascertain  from  the  set- 
tlers, how  they  purposed  to  act  with  respect  to  the  government, 
appointed  by  those  proprietors. 

The  next  month  after  Peters'  arrival,  he  is  mentioned  by  Win- 
throp,  as  active  to  free  the  colonists  from  impositions  in  traffick 
with  "  seamen  and  others."     Such  caution  had  reference  to  im- 


12  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

ported  goods,  especially  out-fits  for  the  fishery.  In  the  practice 
of  it,  Peters  ''  moved  the  country  to  raise  a  stock."  Under  Janu- 
ary of  1636,  his  success  in  this  undertaking  is  described  by 
Winthrop.  He  labored  "  publicly  and  privately,  procured  a  good 
sum  of  money,  and  wrote  into  England  to  raise  as  much  more. 
The  intent  was  to  set  up  a  magazine  of  all  provisions  and  other 
necessaries  for  fishing,  that  men  might  have  things  at  hand  for 
reasonable  prices."  Does  the  question  here  arise,  why  should  he 
so  meddle  with  worldly  afiairs  ?  The  reply  is,  that  then  what- 
ever rightly  tended  to  promote  the  temporal  welfare  of  the 
Commonwealth,  also  aided  to  advance  its  spiritual  interests,  and 
was  therefore  considered  laudible  in  the  clergy  as  well  as  in  the 
laity.  Under  such  circumstances,  the  end  consecrated  the  neces- 
sary means.  18th.  Several  of  the  principal  men,  as  Haynes,  the 
Governor,  Bellingham,  his  Deputy,  Cotton,  Hooker  and  Wil- 
son, having  been  invited  by  Peters  and  Henry  Vane  to  meet 
them  in  Boston,  are  now  accordingly  convened.  The  occasion  of 
this  assemblage  was  to  take  measnres  for  the  suppression  of  a 
factious  spirit,  which  prevailed, to  some  extent,  among  the  people, 
and  to  settle  a  difference  between  Dudley  and  Winthrop.  The 
latter  object  was  speedily  accomplished.  With  respect  to  the 
former,  they  make  arrangements  to  rectify  supposed  faults  in  the 
past  administration  of  Colonial  afiairs.  Such  advisers,  with 
conscientious  intentions  to  compass  the  end  of  their  emigration, 
separated  with  the  peaceful  reflection,  that  they  had  consulted 
and  decided  in  compliance  with  the  dictates  of  their  responsi- 
bility. 

April  12.  There  being  great  scarcity  of  provisions,  and  the  Char- 
ity from  Dartmouth  having  arrived  with  supplies,  they  were 
purchased  by  Peters  for  the  Towns,  which  suffered  for  the  lack  of 
them,  at  a  great  reduction  from  the  usual  excessive  rates,  demand- 
ed by  the  coast-traders.  Such  a  labor  of  love  for  the  public,  was 
noticed  with  high  appreciation. 

Variously  active  as  the  wants  of  the  Colony  required,  Peters 
was  made  partaker  in  part  of  the  trials,  which  still  betided  the 
Salem  Church,  as  the  consequence  of  troubles  with  Williams. 
The  last  of  these  persons  left  some  of  his  friends,  who  believed 
with  him,  that  it  was  wrong  even  to  attend  on  Episcopal  wor- 
ship in  1^'ingland,  and  to  commune  with  those  who  did  so  when 
there,  unless  they  reformed  in  their  opinion  and  practice.  This 
subject  was  left  to  the  advice  of  Elders  in  other  churches,  who 
disapproved  of  such  a  position,  though  they  commended  tolera- 
tion to  its  supporters  while  they  walked  orderly. 

May  15.  In  a  discourse  before  the  Congregation  of  Boston, 
Peters  made  several  recpiests  of  them.  That  tliey  would  release 
their  Teacher,  Cotton,  lor  a  season,  that  he  might  give  marginal 
notes  on  tlu;  difiicult  passages  of  the  Bible;  "  that  a  new  book 
of  martyrs  might  be  made,  to  begin  where  the  other  had  left; 
that  a  form  of  church  government  might  be  drawn  according  to 
the  Scriptures;"  that  they  would  take  steps  to  advance  industrial 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  13 

employments,  especially  in  winter,  among  a  portion  of  the  colo- 
nists, whose  omission  of  it  threatened  great  injury  to  the  "  Church 
and  Commonwealth." 

May  2o.  With  Vane,  Winthrop,  and  other  laymen.  Cotton  and 
Shepard,  elders,  Peters  was  requested  by  the  General  Ct)urt  "  to 
make  a  draught  of  laws  agreeable  to  the  Word  of  God,  which 
may  be  fundamentals  of  this  Commonwealth."  In  consequence 
of  this  movement,  probably  accelerated  by  the  suggestion  of 
Peters,  Cotton  produced  "  iNIoses  his  Judicials." 

June.  Peters  sets  out  in  company  with  Fenwick  and  others, 
on  horseback,  for  the  Patent  of  Lords  Say,  Brook,  and  associates. 
He  had  previously  manifested  his  earnest  wish  for  the  furtherance 
of  this  newly  settled  Plantation.  Owing  to  its  weak  and  exposed 
condition,  he  and  his  friends  promised  to  use  their  influence  for 
the  prevention  of  threatened  war  with  the  Pequods. 

July  9.  "Many  ships  lying  at  Natascott  to  set  sail,"  he,  desi- 
rous that  the  crews  might  hear  the  Gospel,  went  down  and 
preached  on  board  of  the  Hector.  The  commander  of  this  ves- 
sel and  others  prevailed  on  Governor  Vane  to  have  the  king's 
colors  displayed  on  the  Castle,  though  the  colonists  considered  its 
cross  as  an  idolatrous  emblem.  The  fleet  being  still  wind-bound, 
Peters  tarried  and  spent  the  Sabbath  with  them  in  its  appropriate 
duties.  Wherever  he  perceived  the  most  need  of  Christian  in- 
struction, he  laid  aside  formalities  and  self-convenience,  so  that 
he  might  give  it  and  so  clear  himself  of  conscious  neglect. 

Dec.  7.  The  controversy,  occasioned  by  the  speculations  of 
Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson,  came  before  the  Legislature.  It  had 
drawn  in  Peters,  as  among  the  chief  Elders,  who  anxiously 
watched  its  progress  and  strove  to  counteract  its  tendency.  They 
had  recently  met  and  drawn  up  questions  for  Cotton,  who,  at  first, 
favored  her  opinions.  Being  assured  of  this,  Vane,  who  also  ad- 
vocated her  cause,  was  disturbed,  that  he  had  not  been  advised  of 
such  a  movement,  and  expressed  himself  accordingly.  Peters  re- 
plied, that  it  saddened  the  feelings  of  the  ministers,  while  so  in 
the  discharge  of  what  they  deemed  their  obligation,  that  he  should 
exhibit  a  jealousy  of  them  and  an  inclination  to  abridge  their 
liberty.  Vane  manfully  apologized.  Peters  besought  him,  in 
view  of  his  youth  and  short  experience  in  the  course  of  religion, 
to  beware  of  hasty  conclusions  and  measures.  While  these  men 
of  true  worth,  were  so  brought  into  temporary  collision,  their  per- 
ception was  unable  to  look  through  the  veil  of  the  future,  and 
behold  themselves  perseveringly  agreed  in  the  support  of  freedom, 
at  the  hazard  and  final  cost  of  their  lives.  Dec.  21.  Having 
preached  to  great  acceptance  with  the  Salem  Congregation,  Pe- 
ters became  their  pastor.  No  other  ministers  influence  and 
labors  in  the  Colony  now  equalled  his,  for  Cotton's  were  in  a 
short  eclipse,  through  his  leniency  for  the  doctrines  of  JMrs.  Hutch- 
inson. As  an  assistant  in  his  pastoral  duties,  Peters  had  George 
Burdet,  popular  for  his  talents,  learning,  and  eloquence.  The  lat- 
ter w^as  employed  at  Salem  in  the  year  of  the  former's  arrival, 
and  continued  there  to  the  summer  of  1637,  but  going  soon  after 


14  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

to  the  eastward,  he  was  discovered  at  York,  1639,  as  holding  cor- 
respondence with  Laud  and  others  of  the  Lords  Commissioners, 
in  which  he  asserted,  that  Massachusetts  aimed  more  at  indepen- 
dence of  the  Crown,  than  reformation  in  ecclesiastical  government. 

1637,  Jan.  19.  The  church  of  Peters,  like  the  rest  in  the  Juris- 
diction, keep  a  fast-day,  because  of  the  distresses  endured  by- 
Protestants  in  Germany,  as  the  result  of  victories  gained  by  the 
Imperialists;  of  the  suti'erings  inflicted  on  ministers  in  England, 
whose  conscientious  scruples  kept  them  from  reading  (he  Book 
of  Sabbath  sports;  and  of  the  religious  discussions  among  the 
people  here. 

Aug.  30.  At  the  Synod,  convened  at  Newton,  Peters  was 
present  with  others  of  the  Country.  A  main  design  with  them 
was  to  collect  the  prevalent  opinions,  which  they  considered  wrong 
and  injurious,  as  well  as  to  de\ase  means  for  the  suppression  of 
animosity,  which  existed  between  the  Legalists  and  Antinomians, 
so  termed  by  each  other.  Of  such  opinions  "  about  eighty-two 
were  condemned  by  the  whole  Assembly." 

Nov.  2.  The  expectation,  which  had  been  generally  indulged, 
that  the  measures  of  the  Synod  would  induce  Mrs.  Hutchinsou 
and  her  brother-in-law.  Wheelwright,  to  discontinue  exertions  lor 
the  spread  of  their  creed,  was  disappointed.  Hence,  the  General 
Court,  being  in  session,  arraigned  both  of  them.  After  they  had 
banished  him  for  expressions  in  his  sermon,  which  they  construed 
as  promotive  of  insurrection,  they  summoned  her  to  answer. 
With  accustomed  ability  she  sustained  a  long  and  searching 
trial.  Peters,  as  one  of  a  committee,  who  waited  on  her  to  learn 
the  principles,  she  really  cherished,  was  an  important  witness. 
He  stated  his  lothfulness  to  testify,  unless  required  by  the  Court. 
On  the  Governor's  intimation,  that  he  should  proceed,  he  remaik- 
ed  "  We  shall  give  you  a  fair  account  of  what  was  said,  and 
desire  that  we  may  not  be  thought  informers  against  the  genlle- 
woman."  He  went  on  to  relate,  that  he  and  others  called  on  Mr. 
Cotton  concerning  the  reports  of  what  Mrs.  Hutchinson  had 
said  about  the  Elders.  "  So  going  on  in  the  discourse,  we 
thought  it  good  to  send  for  this  gentlewoman,  and  she  willingly 
came.  I  did  then  take  upon  me  to  ask  her  this  question  :  W  liat 
diflirence  do  you  conceive  to  be  between  your  Teacher  and  us? 
She  answered  that  he  preaches  the  covenant  ol"  grace  and  you 
the  covenant  of  works,  and  you  know  no  more  than  the  Aj)ostles 
did  before  the  resurrection  of  Christ."  She  made  some  expla- 
nations, but  they  did  not  satisfy  the  Court.  The  conclusion  was, 
that  this  Body  felt  themselves  called  to  decide,  that  slie  should  be 
banished  from  their  jurisdic^tion,  so  soon  as  the  weather  would 
permit.  The  reason  ibr  such  painlul  severity  was  stated  by 
Winthrop;  as  to  her  and  some  of  her  prominent  supj)orters,  "  the 
(ieneral  Court  finding,  upon  consultation,  that  two  so  opposite 
])arties  could  not  contain  (continue)  in  the  same  body,  without 
apj)arent  hazard  of  ruin  to  the  whole,  agreed  to  fccnd  away  son.e 
of  the  principal." 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  15 

This  was  the  persuasion  of  Peters,  however  it  crossed  his  strong 
and  habitual  benevolence.  Of  his  own  parishioners,  several  were 
aniOiiiT  the  remonstrants  in  favor  of  Wheelwrii^lit,  who  were  all 
disarmed,  lest  they  niij^lit  re-enact  the  scenes  of  violence,  commit- 
ted by  the  Anabaptists  in  (lermany. 

As  a  trust  of  prime  importance  to  the  literary  and  rcliii^ious 
interests  of  an  infant  colony,  Peters  is  elected  a  member  of  the 
Overseers  of  the  College. 

At  the  same  session,  he  enjoyed  the  high  satisfaction  of  know- 
ing, that  the  Legislature  granted  to  Joan  Ames,  the  worthy  relict 
of  his  colleague  in  Rotterdam,  Dr.  Ames,  £40.  Thus  generously 
dealing,  they  mention  her  deceased  husband,  as  "  of  famous 
memory."  She,  having  come  over  with  her  children  and  his 
valuable  library,  had  been  granted  land  at  Salem,  and  received  as 
a  member  of  the  church  there.  Such  beneficence  was  most  pro- 
bably manifested  through  the  kind  regard  and  exertion  of  Peters, 
who  was  the  sincere  friend  of  Ames  and  his  family.  His  attach- 
ments were  far  from  being  the  mere  "  shade,  that  follows  wealth 
and  fame,"  and  leaves  the  afflicted  without  consolation. 

1638.  About  this  time,  he  visits  the  portion  of  his  flock  at 
Enon,  afterwards  Wenham.  He  favors  them  and  their  neigh- 
bors with  one  of  his  pithy  and  pertinent  discourses.  The  spot, 
then  selected  for  his  stand,  was  the  top  of  a  beautiful  hill,  near 
what  was  recently  the  stage  road  and  the  margin  of  the  spacious 
pond.  His  text,  according  to  his  frequent  custom,  is  strikingly 
suited  to  the  localities  of  the  situation.  It  is,  "  In  Enon,  near  to 
Salim,  because  there  was  much  water  there."  The  eminence^  so 
used  as  a  natural  pulpit,  still  bears  the  surname  of  this  dis  tin- 
guished  di\dne.  Like  most  mementoes  of  human  actions,  it  is 
gradually  diminished  before  the  inroads  of  inventive  convenience. 
What  strange  occurrences  time  brings  to  pass  I  Near  the  very 
place,  where  Peters  made  his  dying  speech  on  the  scaftbld,  there 
may  be  now  seen,  in  the  proper  season,  advertisements  of  "  Wen- 
ham  Lake-Ice  for  sale." 

Among  the  several  conferences,  between  Peters,  his  Elder,  and 
other  brethren,  and  the  followers  of  Williams,  who  separated  from 
the  Salem  Church,  was  one  with  Francis  Weston.  This  person, 
who  inteUigently  and  ingeniously  sustained  his  cause,  presented 
the  subsequent  complaints.  That  he  was  not  tolerated  in  asking 
questions  in  time  of  public  worship,  on  the  Lord's  day,  without 
the  imputation  of  pride  and  self-sufficiency.  That  the  Church 
communed  with  Mr.  Lathrop's  Church,  who  did  the  same  in  rela- 
tion to  the  Church  of  England,  and,  therefore,  the  first  of  these 
bodies  was  alike  chargeable  with  the  second  of  them.  That 
Peters  had  publicly  remarked,  with  respect  to  the  separatists,  that 
it  was  "  better  to  part,  than  to  Live  contentiously."  He  replied, 
that  it  was  true,  but  he  meant  that  such  an  act  should  be  "  in  a 
way  of  Christ"     That  the  \\dfe  (1)   of  Peters  and  others,  who 

(1)  There  was  an  Anne  Peters,  who  took  up  her  relation  from  t}ie  Sakni  Church 
and  united  with  the  Boston  Church  about  loJl. 


16  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

came  from  Rotterdam  after  he  did,  had  been  received  as  members 
of  his  church  at  Salem,  though  by  an  unintentional  omission, 
they  brought  no  letters  of  recommendation.  However  he  had 
spoken  in  their  behalf,  and  was  the  principal  means  of  their 
acceptance,  yet,  to  meet  the  wish  of  objectors,  he  agrees  with  the 
majority,  to  send  thither  for  such  testimonials.  This  controversy 
favors  us  with  the  fact,  that  his  first  wife  emigrated  hither  to  aid 
him  in  the  great  work,  to  which  he  had  consecrated  his  time  and 
energies.  On  these  occasions  he  prominently  exhibited  a  disposi- 
tion of  candor  and  kindness.  He  granted  the  accused  a  fair 
opportunity  to  vindicate  themselves  in  truth  and  righteousness. 
With  him,  it  was  neither  principle  nor  practice,  that  might  was 
always  right. 

March  12.  Again  is  Peters  placed  by  the  Government  on  a 
committee  for  compiling  a  code  of  laws. 

April  12.  With  the  other  churches,  his  own  solemnly  keep  a 
fast  day  for  divine  deliverance  from  the  threatening  evil  of  a  Gen- 
eral Governor  for  the  Colonies,  and  the  consequent  dissolution  of 
theii'  charter  privileges,  and  the  loss  of  all  their  religious  freedom, 
for  which  they  had  prayed,  toiled,  and  suffered.  This  was  em- 
phatically a  time  of  trial  for  him  and  the  founders  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, who  were  in  imminent  peril  of  being  brought  under 
the  power  of  the  dominant  party  in  England,  from  which  they  had 
fled.  Sooner  than  give  up  their  present  liberties,  they  felt  them- 
selves sacredly  bound  to  resist  the  forces,  which  they  expected 
would  be  sent  over  to  impose  upon  them,  the  dreaded  yoke  of 
hierarchy. 

November  12.  As  an  encouragement  for  the  unwearied  pains 
of  Peters  to  advance  theirs,  as  well  as  the  country's  best  good,  the 
proprietors,  among  whom  he  dwelt,  grant  him  230  acres  of 
land,  (1)  in  addition  to  50  more  at  the  head  of  Forest  River  the 
previous  year,  part  of  which  bears  his  name  to  this  day. 

Dec.  6.  He  attends  the  execution  of  Dorothy  Talby,  one  of  his 
parish,  in  Boston.  Under  a  false  impression,  that  she  had  been 
commanded  from  heaven,  to  kill  her  husband,  children  and  herself, 
she  tried  to  fulfil  it,  but  only  succeeded  to  take  the  life  of  o\u^' 
among  the  children.  He  cautioned  the  spectators  against  the 
pernicious  eflects  of  compliance  with  imaginary  revelations. 

1G39,  May  22.  As  he  was  favorably  known  in  Holland,  the 
Generel  Court  request  him  to  send  thither,  in  their  behalf,  for 
of  a  supply  of  match  (2)  and  saltpetre.  They  vote  him  500  acres 
of  land  for  his  pul)lic  services. 

June  25.  With  resjx'ct  to  his  domestic  affairs,  lie  had  an  Indian 

(1)  lie  had  a  lot,  "over  aj;ainst  the  nicctinj;  house  on  the  north  side,"  in  Saloni. 
His  agent  sold  a  (luartcr  of'an  iiorc  of  il  tbr40.s.  in  1(15'^.  It  is  likely,  that  his  ]M>use 
stood  on  or  near  the  spot  so  purchased.  Peters,  in  his  history  of  C'onueeticut,  says,  that 
his  relative,  Hugh,  had  the  yard  hefore  such  dwelling,  paved  with  tlint  stones  from 
England,  and  a  well,  surrounded  with  similar  pavement,  for  the  aeeommodation  of  all 
who  wished  for  Avater  there. 

(2)  Tlu:i  article  was  generally  used  with  muskets,  instead  of  Hints. 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  17 

sorvant,  callod  TTopo,  (1)  probably  one  of  the  Poquod  captivos. 
This  person  is  br()iii2;lit  to  our  notice  in  a  way,  unfavorable  to  his 
character.  A  Court  n*cord  informs  us,  that,  for  intemperance  and 
runninfif  away,  he  was  sentenced  to  be  whipped.  The  emj)loy- 
ment  of  such  natives  in  families,  was  anciently  common  in  New 
Eni^land. 

July  1.  By  the  vote  of  his  church,  and  in  accordance  with  re£Tu. 
lar  usage,  he  notifies  the  Dorchester  church,  that  RogcT  Williams 
and  others,  who  had  been  members  of  the  former,  and  had  failed 
to  make  concessions,  requisite  for  the  continuance  of  such  a  rela- 
tion, had  been  excommunicated.  While  deeply  regretting  the 
causes  which  terminated  in  the  exclusion  of  those,  who  settled 
Provid(Mice,  he  could  no  longer  omit  such  a  custom  and  still  har- 
monize with  the  ecclesiastical  order  of  the  Colony. 

1640,  Jan.  2.  Before  this  date,  Peters  had  been  called  to  taste 
the  bitterest  sorrows  in  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  to  whom  he  was 
strongly  attached,  and  of  whom  he  made  honorable  mention. 
She,  like  many  a  noble  sister  of  humanity,  made  large  sacri- 
fices for  the  rich  heritage,  which  we  enjoy.  Though  for  her  and 
their  dust, 

No  "  frail  memorial,  still  erected  nigh, 
Implores  the  passing  tribute  of  a  sigh," 

still  it  will  awake  and  assume  its  spiritual  forms,  which  will 
rejoice  in  the  endless  smile  of  approving  Deity.  He  had  recently 
married  Mrs.  Deliverance  Sheffield,  a  member  of  the  Boston 
Church,  (2)  who  is  now  dismissed  to  the  Salem  Church.  He 
was  soon  bereaved  of  the  enjoyment  in  her  society,  which  he  had 
anticipated,  by  her  being  deprived  of  reason.  He  was  called  to 
endure  so  deep  a  calamity  for  twenty  years,  to  the  tragic  close  of 
his  life. 

March  18.  He  receives  an  intelligent  and  talented  colleague 
in  the  person  of  Edward  Norris,  to  share  with  him  the  responsi- 
bilities of  the  clerical  calling. 

Nov.  He  attends  the  formation  of  a  Church  at  Lynn,  com- 
posed of  individuals  who  had  emigrated  thence  and  settled  on 
Long  Island  On  the  same  occasion,  he  takes  part  in  the  ordina- 
tion of  Abraham  Pierson,  as  their  guide  in  the  spread  of  Gospel 
knowledge  and  influences. 

1641,  Feb.  2.  As  emigration  to  this  country  had  much  dimin- 
ished, from  the  greater  enjoyment  of  freedom  in  England,  and 
shipping  was  needed  to  carry  on  the  colonial  trade,  Peters,  "  a  man 
of  a  very  public  spirit  and  singular  activity  for  all  occasions,"  as 
Winthrop  observes,  stirs  up  his  people  to  have  a  ship  built  of  300 
tons.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston  were  stimulated  by  this  exam- 
ple, to  do  likewise,  though  their  vessel  was  of  less  tonnage. 

(1)  All  Iiilian  of  this  name,  a  slave  of  Edward  Winslow,  of  Plymouth,  was  sold 
by  an  agent  to  John  Mainford,  of  Barbadoes,  Jan.  12, 1G48. 

(2)  She  joined  the  Boston  Church,  March  10,  1639. 


18  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

The  friends  of  New  England,  who  were  in  the  mother  country, 
sent  over  advice,  that  agents  should  be  dispatched  thither  to  notice 
the  national  movements,  and  embrace  opportunities  to  obtain  the 
favor  of  Parliament  in  behalf  of  the  colonists.  A  prominent 
motive  for  such  a  proposal,  was,  that  advocates  here,  experimen- 
tally acquainted  with  the  Congregational  polity,  might  help  there 
to  counteract  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Presbyterians.  The 
Assistants,  having  consulted  with  several  of  the  Elders,  proposed 
Weld,  of  Roxbury,  Hibbens,  of  Boston,  and  Peters,  of  Salem,  for 
so  important  an  embassy.  The  Governor,  nearly  all  the  magis- 
trates, and  some  of  the  Elders  wrote,  and  desired  the  society  of 
the  last  town,  to  relinquish  the  services  of  their  minister,  desig- 
nated for  such  a  trust.  Endicott,  one  of  his  principal  parishioners, 
argued  against  the  request,  but  Humphrey,  another,  took  opposite 
ground.  The  answer  of  his  people  was,  that  the  severance  of  his 
connection  with  them,  even  for  a  limited  period,  was  a  gi'eater 
sacrifice,  than  they  felt  themselves  bound  to  make.  Winthrop 
relates,  that  the  main  cause  of  such  a  response,  was  their  fear, 
lest  Peters  should  be  detained  in  England,  or  diverted  to  the 
West  Indies,  whither  Humphrey  expected  to  go  under  the  auspices 
of  Lord  Say  and  his  associates. 

April.  For  the  purpose  of  effecting  a  reconciliation  between 
the  adherents  of  Hanserd  Knolles,  on  the  one  part,  and  those  of 
Thomas  Larkham,  on  the  other,  both  clergymen,  at  Piscataqua, 
Peters  went  thither  in  company  with  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Rev. 
Timothy  Dalton.  They  successfully  performed  then*  errand  and 
experienced  the  blessedness  of  peace-makers.  In  attempting  to 
visit  Accomenticus,  Peters  and  Dalton,  with  two  others,  lost  their 
course  and  wandered  two  days  and  a  night,  destitute  of  food,  in 
wet  and  snow.  Thus  imperiled,  they  were  nigh  perishing,  but  a 
kind  Providence  heard  their  cry,  and  gave  them  deliverance.  Lech- 
ford  states,  that  Peters  "went  a  second  time  for  appeasing  the 
same  difference  and  had  a  commission  from  the  Governor  under 
his  hand  and  public  seal  to  bring  the  case  before  the  Court  of 
Justices  there,  whose  descision  was  adverse  to  Knolles  and  his 
supporters." 

June  2.  The  Legislature  renew  their  application  for  filling  tlic 
number  of  their  commissioners  to  London.  Their  address  is, 
"  The  Court  doth  entreat  leave  of  the  Church  of  Salem  for  Mr. 
Peters  to  go  for  England."  So  pressed  again  on  this  subject,  tlu^y 
denied  their  own  wishes  for  the  sake  of  the  greater  benefit  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  very  reluctantly  gave  up  the  teachings  and 
society  of  their  pastor. 

.July  27.  About  to  comply  with  this  pressing  call,  he  empowers 
his  worthy  deacons,  Gott  and  Horn,  as  follows :  "  If  the  Lord 
continue  my  life,  then  I  hereby  do  authorize  them  to  do  all  my 
ad'airs,  as  if  myself  were  pn^sent,  as  in  looking  into  my  house,  to 
dispose  of  my  ground,  mill,  and  other  things,  as  in  wisdom  they 
shall  see  meet."  Such  a  iumhUuI  act  of  prudiMice,  no  doubt, 
brought  over  his  spirit  its  usual  associations  of  sadness,  lest  the 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  19 

places,  on  which  he  had  often  looked,  as  familiar  acquaintances, 
might  soon  cease  forever  to  feel  the  pressure  of  his  feet  and  to  meet 
the  greeting  of  his  eyes. 

Aug.  3.  Having  prepared  for  his  voyage,  depressed  at  the 
thought  of  separating  i'roni  a  beloved  ih)ck,  but  sustained  with  the 
promises  of  discharged  obligation,  Peters  and  his  two  colleagues 
depart,  on  their  important  embassy,  by  the  way  of  Newfound- 
land. Their  instructions  are  to  congratulate  Parliament  on  their 
success  ;  to  petition  them  for  a  repeal  of  impost,  but  not  to  receive 
privileges  from  them  so  as  to  commit  the  Colony,  as  an  ally,  in 
any  event.  This,  of  course,  had  reference  to  the  doubtful  issue  of 
the  contest,  between  the  Royalists  and  the  Reformers  of  govern- 
ment. The  Agents  were,  also,  desired  to  inform  the  creditors  of 
our  merchants,  that  a  reason,  why  they  had  delayed  to  fonvard 
payment  for  goods,  was  the  embarrassment  of  their  trade. 

Embarked  on  an  enterprise  of  great  uncertainty  as  well  as  re- 
sponsibility, Peters  had  ground  to  expect,  that,  if  spared  to  tread 
once  more  on  the  soil  of  his  native  land,  the  aspect  of  its  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  concerns,  would  strike  him  very  differently  from  what 
it  was  when  he  last  bade  it  farewell.  Prior  to  his  leaving  New 
England,  he  had  learned  that  Parliament  were  "  set  upon  a  gene- 
ral reformation  of  Church  and  State  ; "  that  Bishop  Laud  and  the 
chief  supporters  of  his  policy,  were  imprisoned,  and,  that,  however 
the  Presbyterians,  especially  the  Covenanters  of  Scotland,  held 
great  sway,  and  were  strenuous  for  adopting  their  form  of  religion, 
as  the  national  standard,  yet  there  was  hope  for  Independency 
and  the  opportunity  for  its  advancement  should  be  seasonably 
improved.  Hence  the  cause,  on  which  his  heart  was  set,  and  for 
which  he  had  made  many  sacrifices  of  personal  promotion,  con- 
venience, and  comfort,  had  assumed  an  encouraging  appearance 
and  urged  him  onward  to  the  kingdom,  where  exertions  for  its 
ascendancy  could  be  most  hopefully  made. 

Having  reached  Newfoundland,  he  and  his  colleagues  were  dis- 
appointed in  not  securing  a  passage  so  soon  as  they  anticipated. 
But  Weld  and  himself  did  not  suffer  the  days  of  their  detention, 
to  pass  away  without  useful  employment.  "  They  preached  to 
the  seamen  of  the  Island,  who  were  much  affected  with  the  word 
taught,  and  entertained  them  with  all  courtesy."  They  wisely 
believed,  that  beneficence  done  to  fellow  beings  in  obscurity, 
would  stand  as  fair  for  them  in  their  final  account,  as  though  it 
had  been  performed  in  the  grandest  metropolis  of  earth.  The 
question  with  the  Great  I  Am,  is  not  ivhere  his  will  is  obeyed, 
but  how. 

Oct.  10.  After  the  news  that  Peters  and  his  associates  were 
thus  on  the  way  to  their  father-land,  a  commission  (I)  is  made 
out  for  him  personally.     It  was  signed  by  Haynes  and  Winthrop, 

(1 )  If  this  document  reached  Peters  amid  the  troublous  scenes  of  England,  it  came 
to  his  hands,  as  from  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  and  not  from  the  distinct  company  of 
Hartford,  who  had  purcliased  lands  for  their  particuhir  use,  where  the  Dutch  had 
claims  and  a  trading  establishment  near  the  same  town,  a  chief  cause  of  the  difficulties 


20  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

the  former  Governor  of  Connecticut,  and  the  latter,  sustaining  a 
like  office  in  Massachusetts.  Its  object  was  described,  as  follows  : 
"  Whereas  the  bearer,  Mr.  Hugh  Peters,  minister  of  Salem,  is  sent 
at  the  public  request  to  England,  to  negotiate  with  the  present 
Parliament  there  about  such  matters  as  concern  us,  which  we  con- 
fide to  his  care  and  fidelity,  this  is  to  authorize  him,  if  occasion 
permit  him  to  go  to  the  Netherlands,  to  treat  w^ith  the  West  India 
Company  there,  concerning  a  peaceable  neighborhood  between  us 
and  those  of  New  Netherlands,  and  whatever  he  shall  further  think 
proper  touching  the  West  Indies."  Then  several  propositions 
were  subjoined,  which  contain  fair  offers  for  the  territory  on  Con- 
necticut River,  held  and  claimed  by  the  Dutch  authorities  of 
New  Netherlands,  and  a  continual  source  of  perilous  controversy 
between  them  and  the  English  in  that  vicinity.  A  reason  why 
Winthrop  took  part  in  the  matter,  was,  that  Massachusetts  exer- 
cised jurisdiction  over  some  of  the  land,  conquered  from  the 
Pequods,  and  in  the  quarter  liable  to  aggressions  from  the  Dutch 
of  Manhattan.  The  intrusting  of  so  important  a  negotiation  to 
Peters,  was  a  compliment  to  his  integrity  and  intelligence,  as  well 
as  to  his  love  for  New  England. 

1642.  Having  reached  London,  the  location  of  his  former  and 
abundant  popularity  and  usefulness,  and,  also,  of  persecution  for 
non-conformity,  Peters  attended  to  the  calls  of  his  mission  so  far , 
as  circumstances  allowed.  Subsequently  reverting  to  this  period 
of  his  eventful  life,  he  thus  expressed  himself.  I  continued  in 
Massachusetts,  "till  sent  hither  by  the  Plantation  to  mediate 
ease  in  customs  and  excise,  the  country  being  poor,  and  a  tender 
plant  of  their  own  setting ; "  and  to  obtain  "  some  supplies  for 
learning,  etc.,  because  I  had  been  witness  to  the  Indians,  receiv- 
ing the  Gospel  there,  in  faith  and  practice.  I  had  nothing  to 
support  me,  but  the  Parliament's  promise.  Not  being  able,  in  a 
short  time,  to  compass  my  errand,  I  studied  with  a  constant  pur- 
pose of  returning.  I  found  the  nation  embroiled  in  troubles  and 
war ;  the  preaching  was,  Curse  ye  Meroz,  from  Scotland  to  Eng- 
land; the  best  ministers  going  into  the  field,  in  which,  without 
urging,  I  was  embarked  in  time."  On  his  trial,  he  was  represented 
by  one  of  the  witnesses,  as  having  told  him,  that  the  main  object 
of  his  re-visiting  England,  was  to  advance  the  revolution  and 
reformation.  This  statement  was  probably  an  inference  from  the 
conversation,  on  which  it  was  predicated.  True,  it  was  in  accor- 
dance with  the  principles  and  wishes  of  himself,  as  well  as  of  the 
authorities,  who  sent  him  over.  Both  he  and  they  knew,  that  if 
the  struggle  for  tlie  ])ermanent  correction  of  the  national  govern- 
ment, as  it  had  lately  been,  should  fail,  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
liberties  of  the  Puritan  Colonies,  would  be  destroyed.  Hence,  it 
was   not   strange,  that  he  and  they,  while  regarding  their  own 

which  existed.  Not  makinp;  such  a  distinction,  0'CrtllC};han  in  liis  vnhinblo  history  of 
New  Netherlands,  which  contains  the  Commission,  p.  235,  says,  that  Winthrop  v.  2.,  p. 
32,  errs  in  assertinj;,  that  Teters  did  not  receive  a  Commission  from  Ilartlbrd,  when 
in  fact,  he  was  correct.     The  same  is  true  as  to  the  criticism  on  Hubbard, 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  21 

cause  as  just,  should  desire  and  act,  as  opportunity  presented 
for  the  defeat  of  its  avowed  and  hostile  antagonist.  The  Inde- 
pendents, with  whom  he  became  connected,  were  soon  convinced, 
that,  having  drawn  the  sword  against  Royalty,  it  would  be  con- 
sistent for  them  to  throw  away  the  scabbard.  Still,  when  he 
embarked  for  the  metropolis  of  his  native  land,  all  was  uncertain 
as  to  the  issue  of  the  contest,  and  it  is  likely,  that  the  most  he  and 
the  Colonial  Rulers  expected,  was  a  greater  restraint  to  the  jjower 
of  the  Crown  and  the  security  of  larger  freedom  to  its  subjects. 
To  this  extent,  he  was  probably  disposed  to  be  understood,  when 
speaking  of  the  silent  intention  of  his  embassy,  in  connection 
with  its  expressed  instructions.  Such  an  acknowledgement  was 
treason  in  the  view  of  the  Cavaliers,  but  patriotism  in  that  of  the 
Roundheads. 

August.  Some  fruits  of  the  industrious  and  benevolent  activity 
of  Peters  and  his  associates,  reach  Boston.  They  were  a  needed 
supply  of  linen,  woollen,  and  other  goods,  to  the  amount  of  .£500, 
which  were  contributed  by  friends  to  this  country.  Through  the 
endeavors  of  such  Agents,  Richard  Andrews,  of  London,  renewed 
his  generous  intercourse  with  our  fathers,  by  presenting  to  them 
a  claim  of  his  for  X500,  for  the  use  of  their  poor,  on  the  Company 
of  Plymouth.  Near  this  time,  they  also  obtained  £150  from 
Lady  IMoulson  and  other  donations  from  the  liberally  inclined, 
for  the  benefit  of  the  College. 

September.  Letters  had  been  received  from  Puritan  members 
of  both  houses  of  Parliament,  for  Cotton,  Davenport,  and  Hooker 
to  visit  England  and  attend  the  Synod,  appointed  there,  to  con- 
sider and  advise  about  Church  Government.  The  aid  of  these 
Divines  was  particularly  desired  and  needed,  because  they  had 
practical  acquaintance  with  religious  Independency,  which  was 
comparatively  at  a  low  ebb  there,  while  Presbyterianism  continu- 
ed at  full  flood.  While  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical  polity  was 
generally  regarded  by  the  Kingdom  as  of  great  importance,  seeing 
that  Hierarchy  had  been  suppressed,  a  communication  came 
from  Peters  and  Weld,  advising,  that  the  visit  of  such  ministers 
be  suspended,  because  a  rupture  had  taken  place  between  the 
King  and  Parliament.  They  were  hearkened  to  and  thus  for  this 
and  other  reasons,  they  had  not  these  valuable  assistants  to  help 
them  contend  for  their  Platform  of  Congregational  Order,  in 
Westminster  Assembly. 

Hibbens  who  had  taken  leave  of  Peters  and  Weld,  arrived  at 
Boston,  and  in  compliance  with  the  custom,  publicly  related  be- 
fore the  Church  the  events  of  his  agency. 

Referring  to  an  audience  with  his  Majesty,  near  this  date, 
Peters  observed,  "  I  had  access  to  the  King  about  my  New  Eng- 
land business.     He  used  me  civilly." 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  current  year,  Peters  had  an  invitation 
to  visit  L-eland,  then  in  rebellion,  as  a  chaplain  in  the  Parlimen- 
tary  service  for  the  defence  of  the  Kingdom  and  of  the  Protestant 
religion.  Preparations  for  such  an  expedition,  according  to  Rush- 
worth,  were  making   in    London    on  the  3d   of  November.     Li 


22  3femoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

a  relation  of  the  occurrence  to  his  daughter,  Peters  remarks, 
"  Most  of  your  London,  godly  ministers,  being  engaged  in 
person,  purse,  and  preaching  in  the  trouble.  I  had  the  pay  of 
a  preacher."  As  an  addition  to  this,  his  last  publication  has  the 
passage,  "  My  first  work  was,  with  the  first,  to  go  for  Ireland, 
which  I  did  with  many  hazards  ;  then  I  was  at  sea,  with  my  old 
patron,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  whom  I  owed  my  life."  Employ- 
ed amid  scenes  of  peril  and  misery,  which  ever  accompany  civil 
war,  his  heart  often  ached  and  his  wish  was  to  afford  relief  to  the 
distressed. 

1643,  Jan  30.  An  ordinance  is  issued  by  Parliament  for  "loans 
and  contributions  for  Ireland,  as  well  from  the  United  Provinces,  as 
from  England  and  Wales."  The  document  begins,  "  Whereas 
the  gasping  condition  of  the  Protestants  in  L-eland  is  too  much 
manifest,  their  estates  devoured,  their  lives  daily  sacrificed,  not  only 
to  the  malice  of  their  and  our  bloody  enemies,  the  Popish  Rebels, 
but,  also,  to  the  more  unavoidable  executioners,  stai-ving,  cold, 
and  hunger,  their  sorrows  hardly  to  be  equalled,  nor  their  utter 
destruction  possible  to  be  prevented,  but  by  the  great  and  unde- 
served mercy  of  God,  upon  some  speedy  supply  of  their  grevious 
necessities."  With  such  an  appeal  before  him,  whose  sad  reali- 
ties he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes,  followed  with  an  application 
for  his  labor  to  give  it  effect,  Peters  needed  no  soUcitation.  His 
generous  impulses  far  outstript  his  swiftest  facihties  of  ti'avel.  He 
hastened  to  Holland,  the  sphere  of  his  former  usefulness  and 
respectability,  to  obtain  help  for  multitudes  of  such  sufferers. 
Through  his  eloquence  and  activity,  he  collected  nearly  £30,000. 
With  so  noble  a  contribution  from  the  friends  of  the  Reformation, 
he  went  back  to  the  field  of  his  toils,  and  assisted  in  distributing 
it  among  the  needy,  for  whom  he  so  magnanimously  acted  the 
part  of  a  good  Samaritan.  After  this  distinguished  compliance  with 
the  calls  of  philanthropy  and  religion,  he  returned  to  England. 

O'CaUaghan  relates,  from  credible  authorities,  that,  while 
Peters  was  on  such  a  mission  of  charity,  his  preaching,  in  several 
cities  of  Holland,  was  unfavorable  to  the  cause  of  Charles  L,  and 
that,  in  Amsterdam,  he  charged  him  with  encouraging  the  Irish 
Romanists  in  rebellion,  against  the  Parliament,  and  in  their  con- 
sequent cruelties  upon  their  Protestant  countrymen.  He  further 
states,  that  such  a  representation  so  deeply  afiected  iiis  audiences, 
"  crowds  of  women  gave  their  wedding  rings  "  to  relieve  the  many 
thus  distressed.  Boswell,  the  English  embassador,  being  then  in 
the  Netherlands,  complained  of  s})eeches,  so  made  by  Peters,  to 
the  Government,  who  showed  far  more  favor  to  the  Republican 
preacher,  than  to  the  loyal  statesman. 

March  10.  As  a  prominent  obji^ct  of  Peters  mission  to 
liondon,  the  Parliament  release  New  England  from  all  duties  on 
imports  and  exports  to  and  from  the  mother  country,  which  were 
for  the  home  consumption  of  the  colonists.  Such  compliance  with 
hisAvisIi,  for  th(;  benelil  of  his  frinids  licrc,  must  have  viddcd  liiiu 
"  the  heart-felt  joy." 


*  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  23 

Brought  to  experience  what  he  often  had  occasion  to  express, 
that  there  is  no  eminence  of  human  origin,  which  temporal 
changes  may  not  overthrow.  Bishop  Laud  is  imprisoned.  He  is 
thus  confined  on  the  cliarge  of  treason  against  the  Htate. 

1643,  March  24.  He  notes  in  his  diary  ;  "  One  Mr.  Foord  told 
me,  he  is  a  Sulfolk  man,  that  there  is  a  plot  to  send  me  and 
Bishop  Wren  to  New  England,  within  fourteen  days. 

April  25.  It  was  moved  in  the  House  of  Commons,  to  send 
me  to  New  England,  but  it  was  rejected.  The  plot  was  laid  by 
Peters,  Wells  and  others."  This  endeavor  of  Peters  to  have  the 
Primate  banished,  instead  of  being  put  to  death,  accords  with 
his  repeated  declarations,  that  his  wish  and  exertion  were  to 
spare  the  lives  of  the  Royalists,  who  were  in  peril  of  public 
execution. 

Concerning  his  relative  position,  as  to  his  distinguished  bene- 
factors, Peters  observes,  "  Upon  my  return,  was  staid  again  from 
home  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  my  patron,  then  by  the  Earl  of 
Essex;  afterwards  by  the  Parliament."  Thus  he  failed  of  re- 
visiting his  American  residence,  for  which  he  had  strong  desires, 
true  affection  and  kind  wishes.  Had  he  known  the  end  of 
such  delay,  his  ardent  aspiration  would  have  been,  —  "  The  ill,  I 
ask,  deny." 

About  this  season  of  the  year,  "  Church  Government  and 
Church  Covenant,"  being  a  reply  of  our  Elders  to  32  questions 
sent  over  to  them  by  ministers  of  England  in  1640,  is  printed  there 
and  recommended  by  Peters.  In  his  prefatory  remarks,  he  refers  to 
the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  the  kingdom.  "  I  do  conceive,  that 
this  sword  will  not  be  sheathed,  which  is  now  drawn,  till  church- 
work  be  better  known.  Presbytery  and  Independency  are  the 
ways  of  worship  and  church  fellowship,  now  looked  at,  since  we 
hope.  Episcopacy  is  coffined  out  and  will  be  buried  without  ex- 
pectation of  another  resurrection.  We  need  not  tell  the  wise, 
whence  tyranny  grew  in  Churches,  and  how  Commonwealths  got 
their  pressure  in  the  like  kind.  These  be  our  sighs  and  hearty 
wishes,  that  self  may  be  conquered  in  this  poor  nation,  which 
shuts  the  door  against  these  truths.  Commonly,  questions  and 
answers  clear  up  the  way,  when  other  treatises  leave  us  to  dark- 
ness." This  acquiescence  in  the  downfall  of  Hierarchy,  as  here 
expressed,  was  vividly  recollected  against  him  when  it  came  to  be 
revived.  The  production  he  so  aided  to  circulate,  and  others, 
from  the  able  pens  of  our  Elders,  were  eagerly  sought  by  advo- 
cates of  Congregationalism,  as  the  fruits  of  experience  and  effic- 
ient auxiliaries  to  advance  the  cause  of  freedom  in  Church  and 
State,  and,  also,  much  feared  and  contradicted  by  their  oppon- 
ents, as  powerful  hindrances  to  the  success  of  their  plans  for  the 
dominancy. 

July  5.  While  in  the  metropolis,  Peters  found  various  channels 
for  the  flow  of  his  expansive  benevolence.  Having  attended  on 
Mr.  Chaloner,  under  sentence  for  being  implicated  in  the  Waller, 
4 


24  3Iemoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

plot,  with  the  precepts  find  consolations  of  the  gospel,  he  now 
continues  similar  ministrations  towards  him,  at  the  place  of  exe- 
cution. Peters  inquires  of  the  prisoner,  conscious  of  the  solemni- 
ties which  surrounded  and  of  the  momentous  realities  which 
awaited  him,  if  he  had  any  thing  more  to  explain  concerning  the 
plot.  He  replies,  "  It  came  from  Mr.  Waller  under  this  notion, 
that,  if  we  could  make  a  third  party  here  in  London,  to  stand  be- 
twixt, to  unite  the  King  and  Parliament,  it  would  be  a  very 
acceptable  work,  for  now  the  three  kingdoms  lay  a  bleeding,  and 
unless  that  were  done,  there  were  no  hopes  to  reunite  them." 
After  several  other  observations,  Peters  offers  prayer  with  him, 
whose  last  words  are,  "  I  commend  my  soul  into  the  hands  of  my 
God." 

Sept.  25.  Weld,  the  colleague  of  Peters,  pens  in  London,  the 
following  paragraph  with  his  consent,  then  absent  from  that  city : 
"  The  present  condition  of  this  kingdom,  yt  is  now  vpon  the  ver- 
ticall  point,  together  with  ye  incredible  importunities  of  very  many 
godly  persons,  great  and  smale,  (who  hapely  conceive  we  by  our 
presence  doe  more  good  here,  then  we  ourselves  dare  imagine  yt 
we  doe)  haue  made  vs,  after  many  various  thoughts,  much  agita- 
tion and  consultation  with  God  and  men,  vnwillingly  willing,  to 
venter  ourselves  vpon  God's  Providence  here  and  be  content  to 
tarry  one  six  moneths  longer  from  you  and  our  chm'ches  most  de- 
sired presence,  with  whom  our  hearts  are,  without  the  least  wav- 
ering, fixed.  Things  cannot  long  stand  at  this  passe  here,  as  now, 
but  will  speedily  be  better  or  worse.  If  better,  we  shall  not  repent 
vs  to  have  bene  spectators  and  furtherers  of  our  deare  Countries 
good,  and  to  be  happy  messengers  of  ye  good  newes  thereof  vnto 
you.  If  worse,  we  are  like  to  bring  thousands  with  vs  to  you." 
They  desire,  that  the  communication,  containing  this  extract,  may 
be  read  to  then-  respective  churches.  The  passage,  so  quoted,  in- 
dicates, that,  amid  events,  soon  to  be  succeeded  with  great  results 
to  the  nation,  the  influence  of  these  two  divines  was  highly  ap- 
preciated and  strongly  desired  in  continuance,  by  numerous 
friends  of  reform.  It,  also,  shows,  that  while  they  longed  to  renew 
their  pastoral  cares  and  labors  in  their  adopted  country,  they  denied 
this  wish,  that  they  might  assist,  to  the  utmost  of  their  jiower, 
in  promoting  what  they  conscientiously  believed  to  be  tlie  high- 
est welfare  of  their  native  land. 

Dec.  10.  A  letter  is  addressed  by  Wiiilhroj),  ''  To  his  Rev- 
erend and  very  Godly  Brother,  Mr.  Hugh  Peters,"  in  London. 
It  refers  to  Parker's  manuscript  and  others  from  this  country,  on 
Presbyterianism.  Its  words  are,  "Our  late  Assembly  of  about 
forty  Elders  met,  wherein  the  way  of  our  churches  was  ai)})roved, 
and  the  Pres])ytery  disallowed."  This  inlornialion  was  as  a  sharp 
arrow  from  the  quiV(T  of  Peters,  in  his  continual  combat  with  the 
superior  power  of  the  l)arty,  who  favored  the  speculations  of 
Parker. 

1G44,  Jan.  4.     Brought  to  the  scaflbld  for  ])oUtical  ollences.  Sir 


Memoir  of  Unfjh  Peters.  25 

John  Hotliam  forjTivcs  all  concerned  in  hi.stri;i],  nnd  thanks  Peters 
lor  reminding  him  so  to  do.  The  latter  as  his  spiriinal  adviser, 
speaks  in  his  behalf,  and,  in  his  name,  desires  the  spectators 
would  notice  in  him,  soon  to  die,  "  The  vanity  of  all  thino^s  here 
below,  as  wit,  parts,  prowess,  strength,  friends  and  honour."  After 
tliis,  Peters  having  prayed,  and  then  Sir  John,  they  sini^  the  38th 
Psalm.  The  latter  spends  a  quarter  of  an  hour  behind  the  block, 
in  private  supplication,  and  then  gives  his  neck  to  the  axe,  which 
severs  it  at  a  single  blow.  Clarendon's  relation  of  this  mournful 
scene,  is  incorrect,  and  his  epithet  of  "  ungodly  confessor,"  as  ap- 
plied to  Peters,  is  of  the  sdme  description. 

March  12.  In  a  speech  of  Bishop  Laud,  at  the  beginning  of 
his  trial,  he  says,  after  narrating  the  individuals,  whom  he  had 
been  the  means  of  turning  from  Romanism,  "  Let  any  clergyman 
of  England  come  forth  and  give  a  better  account  of  his  zeal  to  the 
Church."  Peters,  who  stood  near  him,  replied,  that,  however  he 
was  an  humble  individual  among  many  hundreds  of  ministers  in 
the  kingdom,  he  had  been  insti'umental,  through  divine  aid,  of 
bringing  not  only  twenty-two  from  Papistry,  but  one  hundred 
and  t^venty,  who  "  witnessed  a  good  profession,"  as  true  Protest- 
ants and  sincere  Christians.  He  added,  that  others  as  well  as 
himself,  were  able  to  produce  hundreds  of  real  converts  to  Christ, 
for  each  whom  the  Prelate  could.  This  answer  gave  great  offence 
to  the  latter.  There  is  no  wonder,  that  it  did,  with  his  impres- 
sions of  privilege  and  deference,  which  he  had  properly  received, 
as  the  Primate  of  England.  Especially  so  must  it  have  been,  as 
the  reply  came  from  the  mouth  of  one,  who  had  fled  beyond  the 
reach  of  his  power,  and  returned  as  the  representative  of  a  Colony, 
whose  authorities,  above  those  of  all  others,  had  resisted  his  com- 
mands and  prevented  the  enforcement  of  his  plans  for  the  sup- 
pression of  all  non-conformity  on  their  shores.  Still,  he  had 
thrown  down  the  glove,  and  it  was  manfully  taken  up.  Of  the 
result,  he  had  no  real  cause  to  complain. 

April  12.  Bailie  A\Tites  to  Spang.  He  complains,  that  the 
Independents  so  thwarted  the  Presbyterians  in  the  Assembly, 
as  to  prevent  their  bringing  matters  to  a  close,  in  accordance  with 
their  wish.  He  particularly  singles  out  Peters,  as  one  of  their 
principal  troublers. 

June.  Being  among  the  Chaplains  for  the  forces  against  those 
of  the  Royalists,  Peters  reaches  London.  He,  as  Whitelock  nar- 
rates, "  gave  a  large  relation  to  the  Commons  of  all  the  business 
of  Lyme,  where  he  was  with  the  Earl  of  War\vick,  and  that,  after 
the  siege  was  raised,  the  enemy  set  fire  on  divers  gallant  houses 
about  Studcome,  Frampton,  and  other  places."  This  nobleman, 
who  showed  particular  regard  for  Peters,  soon  resigned  his  mili- 
tary commission,  in  consequence  of  the  "  self-denying  ordinance," 
adopted  by  Parliament,  which  excluded  members  of  both  Houses, 
from  being  officers  in  the  army. 

1645,  Jan.  Bishop  Laud  having  been  condemned  on  the 
charge  of  attempting  to  subvert  the  essental  laws  of  the  kingdom, 


26  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

is  visited  by  Peters,  who,  long  before,  as  a  prosecuted  non-con- 
formist, had  been  to  his  Palace.  At  the  request  of  the  visiter,  a 
motion  had  been  offered  in  the  Commons,  as  previously  stated, 
to  release  and  send  him  to  America.  While  the  instinctive  com- 
passion of  Peters  for  the  afflicted  forbids  the  suspicion,  that  he 
intended,  by  this  proposal,  to  mock  the  fallen  Prelate,  still  the 
friends  of  the  latter  readily  endorsed  such  a  representation.  They 
quoted  the  words  of  the  Bishop,  "  The  plot  was  laid  by  Peters 
and  others  of  that  crew,  that  they  might  insult  over  me."  The 
very  spirit,  exhibited  on  the  face  of  this  passage,  gives  the  impres- 
sion to  every  candid  beholder,  that  what  was  meant  in  compara- 
tive kindness,  on  one  hand,  was  viewed  as  the  offspring  of 
malevolence  on  the  other. 

In  the  account,  given  by  Wood,  of  graduates  from  Oxford,  we 
have  an  extract,  which  is  a  sample  of  the  severe  style,  used  by 
royalists  towards  republicans,  and  which  should  be  taken  with 
many  grains  of  charitable  allowance.  Speaking  of  the  three  lost 
books  of  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  deposited  by  order  of 
Archbishop  Abbot,  in  the  Library  at  Lambeth,  Wood  indulges  in 
the  subsequent  strain.  They  remained  there,  "  till  the  decollation 
of  Archbishop  Laud  ;  were  then,  by  the  Brethren  of  the  predomi- 
nant faction  given  with  the  library,  to  that  most  notorious  villain 
Hugh  Peters,  as  a  reward  for  his  remarkable  service  in  those  sad 
times  of  the  Churches'  confusion.  And  though  they  could  hardly 
fall  into  a  fouler  hand,  yet  there  wanted  not  other  endeavors  to 
corrupt  and  make  them  speak  that  language,  for  which  the  Fac- 
tion then  fought,  which  was  to  subject  the  Sovereign  power  to  the 
People.  From  the  said  copy,  several  transcripts  were  taken,  not 
only  I  presume,  while  it  remained  in  the  said  Library,  but  while 
it  continued  in  the  hands  of  Peters,  differing  much  in  words." 
The  epithets  of  disparagement,  here  poured  out,  are  evidently  the 
expressions  of  prejudice  against  all  of  political  principles  opposite 
to  those  of  the  writer.  Though  the  author  of  them  could  see  no 
good  come  out  of  the  Nazareth  of  revolution,  under  any  circum- 
stances, still  much  of  real  merit  was  possessed  by  the  founders 
of  the  English  Commonwealth.  The  villany  and  fouhiess  attrib- 
uted to  Peters,  were  images  of  suspicion,  but  of  no  real  entity. 
The  intimation,  thrown  out  by  the  same  author,  that  tliis  object 
of  his  displeasure  may  have  been  accessary  to  the  giving  of  incor- 
rect copies  of  the  Polity,  for  the  sake  of  party  purposes,  is  so 
vague,  it  deserves  scarcely  an  attempt  at  refutation.  Baxter,  of 
better  information  and  greater  candor,  in  this  matter,  explicitly 
states,  that  the  work  had  undergone  no  such  alteration. 

Different  representations  have  been  given  as  to  tlie  mmiber  and 
value  of  the  Primate's  library,  grantcxl  by  ParlianuMit  to  Peters. 
The  latter  estimated  the  worth  of  its  volumes  at  £140,  much  less 
than  generally  conjectured.  He  intended  to  transport  them  for 
Massachusetts,  most  likely  as  a  donation  for  tlu^  College,  l^rook 
quotes  the  language  of  liand,  relative  to  this  snl)ject.  "  All  my 
books  at  Lambeth,  were,  by   order  of  the  House  of  Commons, 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  27 

taken  away  and  carried  I  know  not  whither ;  but  are,  as  it  is  com- 
monly said,  for  the  use  of  Peters.  Before  this  time,  some  good 
numl)er  of  my  books  were  delivered  to  the  use  of  the  Synod,"  or 
Westminster  Assembly.  The  vicissitudes,  to  which  these  volumes 
and  their  owners  were  subjected,  are  emblems  of  the  mutations, 
to  which  all  temporal  greatness  is  exposed,  and  an  admonition, 
that  nothing  earthly  is  sure  in  its  promise  of  good,  but  right  mo- 
tive and  life,  which  forever  yield  a  rich  revenue  of  "  the  soul's 
calm  sunshine." 

April  2.  In  the  exercise  of  his  clerical  duties,  Peters  delivers 
a  sermon  before  Parliament,  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Aldermen  of 
London,  and  the  Assembly.  It  is  from  Judges,  3  c.  31  vs.  Its 
subject  is,  "  God's  doings  and  man's  duty."  Its  occasion  is  the 
success  of  the  Parliamentary  arms  in  the  West.  It  is  replete  with 
original,  sound  and  salutary  thoughts.  Though  it  exhibits  its  au- 
thor, as  the  decided  advocate  of  rational  liberty,  yet  it  affords  no 
proof  of  his  rudely  trampling  on  the  opponents  of  his  cause.  In 
the  introductory  remarks,  he  states,  that  he  had  derived  great  satis- 
faction from  his  chaplaincy  in  the  army,  under  Sir  Thomas  Fair- 
fax. In  his  dedication  to  the  Lord  Mayor  and  Aldermen,  he 
intimates,  that  the  tide  of  slander,  afterwards  overwhelming  him, 
had  already  begun  its  course.  His  words  are,  "  How  I  have  been 
represented  to  you  and  others  by  printing  or  otherwise,  shall  not 
fill  up  this  paper."  Near  the  close  of  the  discourse,  he  observes, 
"  I  know  no  publick  person,  but  ought  to  carry  a  spare  handker- 
chief to  wipe  off  dirt ;  yet  certainly  blasting  men's  names  in  print, 
is  not  the  way  to  clear  a  cause  in  dispute.  Let  us  look  to  our 
duty,  and  the  Lord  will  care  for  our  reproaches."  Men,  however 
worthy,  who  are  eminently  active  in  seasons  of  political  or  relig- 
ious excitement,  are,  too  often,  made  a  mark  for  detraction.  It  is 
a  debasing  frailty  of  our  nature,  in  such  collisions,  not  to 
spare  where  equity  requires,  but  to  prostrate  by  every  possible 
method. 

June  4.  Cromwell  writes  to  the  government  from  Huntingdon, 
where  Peters,  his  faithful  friend,  was  with  him. 

6.  The  "  Occurrences  of  Parliament,"  contain  the  ensuing 
passage,  "  Whereas,  the  last  week,  a  petition  was  presented  to 
the  House  by  the  Common  Council  in  the  name  of  the  City,  the 
day  before  many  came  to  Guild  Hall,  to  that  end,  and  their  spirits 
being  much  moved  by  the  loss  of  Lester,  Master  Peters  was  in- 
treated  to  speak  something  to  quiet  them,  which  he  did  to  this 
purpose,  viz:  beseeching  them  to  let  go  all  differences  about  relig- 
ion, and  as  Romans  and  Londoners,  to  attend  the  public  safety 
of  the  city  and  kingdom,  which  was  cheerfully  assented  to,  and  all 
men's  spirits  quieted,  for  which  good  service  of  his,  amongst 
others  of  no  small  consequence,  it  is  hoped,  that  all  good  men  will 
be  thankful  to  him,  who  hath  not  spared  himself  to  the  utmost, 
upon  his  own  charge,  to  serve  his  native  country."  The  compli- 
ment here  paid  to  the  patriotism  of  its  subject,  was  no  flattery  to 
his  pride,  but  the  genuine  expression  of  regard  for  his  real  desert. 
5 


28  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

It  was  no  less  his  due,  because,  at  the  downfall  of  the  Common- 
wealth, it  was  converted  into  reproach.  The  contrast  was  pro- 
duced, not  by  the  extinguishment  of  his  kind  affections  or  the  loss 
of  his  probity,  but  by  the  fickleness  of  popular  applause.  The 
notes  of  this,  tbo  often,  are,  in  accordance  with  the  diversified 
phases  of  a  man's  life,  —  crown  him,  —  or  away  with  him. 

24.  Tidings,  relative  to  the  storming  of  Bridgewater,  which 
submitted  the  22d,  reach  the  metropolis ;  "  That  the  Lord's  day 
before,  Mr.  Peters  and  J\Ir.  Boles,  in  their  sermons,  encouraged  the 
soldiers  to  the  work.  About  7  at  night,  the  foot  being  drawn  out, 
and  those,  that  commanded  the  storm  and  forlorn,  Mr.  Peters,  in 
the  field,  gave  them  an  exhoi*tation  to  do  their  duties." 

26.  Having  brought  letters  from  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  he  "  was 
called  into  the  House,  and  made  a  large  relation  of  the  particular 
passages  in  the  taking  of  Bridgewater.  He  also  produced  several 
commissions  in  characters,  which  the  House  referred  to  a  Com- 
mittee to  be  decyphered,  and  gave  XI 00  to  Mr.  Peters,  for  his 
unwearied  services." 

Aug.  About  this  time,  in  compliance  with  his  former  applica- 
tion to  Parliament,  they  pass  an  ordinance,  enlarging  that  of  1643, 
which  allowed  all  exports  to  New  England  to  be  free  from  duties 
without  the  previous  restriction.  Massachusetts,  as  an  expression 
of  their  gratitude  for  such  favor,  repeal,  in  October,  their  rule  of 
the  previous  May  session,  for  6d.  a  ton  on  foreign  vessels,  with 
reference  to  such  as  bore  the  Parliament's  flag.  Thus  it  was,  that 
Peters  was  vigilant  to  embrace  opportunities  for  the  prosperity  of 
our  ancestors,  to  strengthen  their  ties  of  attachment  to  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  their  native  land,  and  bring  the  influences  of  their 
practical  freedom  to  bear  efficiently  on  the  political  character  of 
the  battling  kingdom. 

Sept.  9.  Still  engaged,  like  others  of  the  most  worthy  clergy- 
men, as  a  chaplain  of  the  Parliamentary  forces,  Peters  is  again 
brought  to  our  notice  in  the  Memorials  of  Whitlock.  He  "was 
called  into  the  House,  and  gave  them  a  particular  account  of  the 
siege  of  Bristol,  and  the  cause  of  sitting  down  before  it  to  pre- 
vent the  plunder  and  cruelties  of  Prince  Rupert  in  that  country, 
and  he  pressed  the  desire  of  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax  to  have  recruits 
sent  liim." 

Oct.  4.  In  accordance  with  the  request  of  Peters  and  Weld, 
the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  appoint  other  commissioners  to 
supply  their  place  in  England.  As  the  sequel  shows,  they  both 
fe]t  themselves  called  to  continues  there,  and  exert  themselves,  as 
opportunity  should  allbrd,  for  the  advancement  of  the  Revolution. 
The  conclusion  was  perilous,  and  the  cost  to  each  was  widely 
different. 

7.  Again  invited  to  appear  before  the  Commons,  Peters  "made 
a  particular  relation  of  the  taking  of  Winchester  Castle."  He, 
also,  brought  them  a  narrative  of  this  occurrence  irom  the  hand  of 
Cromweff.  He  is  voted  £50  by  them,  as  a  token  of  their  regard  for 
his  services.    14.   He  is  the  bearer  of  dispatches  to  this  Body  from 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  29 

the  same  commander,  that  Basingstoke  had  been  taken  by  storm. 
Being  desired,  as  Carlyle  informs  us,  to  give  particulars  of  the 
event,  he  complies.  He  mentions  his  application  to  the  Marquis 
of  Winchester,  to  give  up  before  so  forcible  an  attack  commenced, 
who  replied,  "that  if  the  King  had  no  more  ground  in  England, 
but  Basing  House,  he  would  adventure  as  he  did,  and  so  main- 
tain it  to  the  uttermost,  meaning  with  these  Papists,  comforting 
himself  in  his  disaster,  that  Basing  House  was  called  Loyalty. 
But  he  was  soon  silenced  in  the  question  concerning  the  King  and 
Parliament ;  and  could  only  hope,  that  the  king  might  have  a  day 
again.  And  thus  the  Lord  was  pleased  to  show  us  what  mortal  seed 
all  earthly  glory  grows  upon.''  Thus  while  Peters  gives  free  utter- 
ance to  his  hearty  engagedness  for  freedom,  he  brings  before  us 
the  resolute  Marquis,  who  as  honestly  determines  to  venture  all 
for  his  royal  master.  Though  alike  in  the  fixedness  of  their  pur- 
pose, they  were  wide  asunder  in  the  ends  of  their  zealous  action. 
The  narrator  proceeds.  "  This  is  now  the  twentieth  garrison,  that 
hath  been  taken  in  this  summer,  by  this  army  ;  and  I  believe  the 
most  of  them  the  answers  of  the  prayers  and  trophies  of  the  faith 
of  some  of  God's  servants.  The  commander  of  this  Brigade,  Lt. 
General  Cromwell,  had  spent  much  time  with  God  in  prayer  the 
night  before  the  storm,  and  seldom  fights  without  some  text  of 
Scripture  to  support  him.  This  time  he  rested  upon  that  blessed 
"Word  of  God,  \\Titten  in  the  115  Ps.  8  vs. :  "  They  that  make 
them,  are  like  unto  them,  so  is  every  one  that  trusteth  in  them.'* 
Here  is  a  graphic  portraiture  of  the  strong  religious  sentiment, 
which  swayed  the  officers  as  well  as  soldiers  of  the  Parliamentary 
forces,  and  prompted  them  to  deeds  of  chivalrous  daring.  How- 
ever such  an  influence  has  been  represented  as  carried  to  an  excess, 
and  ridiculed  by  the  Cavaliers  as  cant  and  hypocrisy,  it  operated  as 
an  almost  irresistible  power  against  the  success  of  their  arms. 
After  describing  it,  Peters  presents  "  to  the  House,  the  Marquis's 
own  colours,  which  he  brought  from  Basing.  The  motto  of 
which  was,  Donee  pax  redeat  terris;  the  very  same  as  King 
Charles  gave  upon  his  coronation  money,  when  he  came  to  the 
Crown."  Thus  closes  the  narrative,  which,  in  point  of  particu- 
larity, is  likely  to  have  resembled  others  of  the  kind,  given  before 
the  Commons  by  Peters,  then  on  the  dizzy  heights  of  popularity, 
liable  to  be  shaken  and  prostrated  by  a  single  blow. 

While  in  London  at  this  time,  Peters  has  ample  scope  for  his 
eloquence.  As  Edwards  informs  us,  among  the  topics,  against 
which  he  aims  the  shafts  of  his  wit,  is  Presbyterianism.  A  des- 
perate struggle  is  being  made  by  those  of  this  denomination,  to 
sustain  his  Majesty,  so  that  they  may  secure  an  ascendancy  in 
the  nation,  and,  by  such  means,  cripple  and  depress  the  Independ- 
ents. By  thus  standing  with  others  of  like  motives,  in  the 
breach,  Peters  is  exposed  to  every  missile,  which  the  displeasure  of 
opponents  could  command.  Another  of  his  favorite  themes  of 
discourse,  at  this  period,  is  "  a  toleration  of  all  sects,"  as  most  con- 
genial with  the  spirit  and  success  of  a  free  government. 


30  Memoir  of  Eugh  Peters, 

Dec.  2.  After  this  date,  Bailie,  a  strong  Presbyterian,  addresses 
Rev.  INIr.  Roberts,  as  follows  :  "  Yesterday,  the  Assembly's  petition 
was  frowned  upon  in  both  Houses  ;  notwithstanding  we  purpose, 
God  willing,  on  Thursday,  to  give  in  a  remonstrance  of  a  more 
full  and  high  strain.  I  heard  yesterday,  that  Mr.  Lilburn  has  a 
petition  for  the  Sectaries,  subscribed  with  the  hands  of  a  great 
many  thousands.  If  your  city  will  countenance  Mr.  Peters'  ser- 
mon on  the  day  appointed,  they  do  but  go  on  as  they  have 
begun."  The  author  of  this  passage  thus  speaks  of  the  last  indi- 
vidual, because  he  openly  and  ably  advocated  the  order  of  the 
Congregationalists. 

Prynne,  in  the  out-pouring  of  his  displeasure  against  this  de- 
nomination, remarks,  as  to  the  document  just  named,  "  They  lately 
conspired  together  to  exhibit  a  petition  to  parliament,  for  present 
dissolving  the  Assembly,  and  sending  them  hence  to  country 
cures,  to  prevent  the  settling  of  any  Church  government ;  to  which 
end,  they  met  at  the  Windmill  Tavern,  where  Lt.  Col.  John  Lil- 
burn sat  in  the  chair,  and  Master  Hugh  Peters  suggested  the 
advice  which  was  accordingly  inserted  in  the  petition  ;  but  the 
Common  Councilmen,  smelling  out  the  design,  when  the  petition 
came  to  their  hands,  most  discreetly  left  out  the  request."  The 
intention  of  Peters,  in  exerting  himself  for  such  a  dissolution,  was, 
that  the  Presbyterians  might  not  carry  their  purpose,  and  so 
encumber  the  progress  of  national  freedom.  Though  partially 
defeated  at  this  time,  his  plan  was  finally  adopted,  when  more 
fully  understood,  as  most  fitted  to  the  promotion  of  Republican 
principles  and  policy. 

1646,  Jan.  23.  Still  occupied  in  the  struggle  for  popular  rights, 
Peters  returns  and  makes  to  the  House,  "  a  narration  of  the  storm- 
ing and  taking  of  Dartmouth,  and  of  the  valour,  unity  and  affec- 
tion of  the  army,  and  presents  several  letters,  papers  and  crucifixes, 
and  other  popish  things,  taken  in  the  town.  The  letters  are  re- 
ferred to  a  Committee." 

Feb.  28.  News  from  the  army  certifies,  that  "  Mr.  Peters 
preached  in  the  market  place  at  Torrington,  and  convinced  many 
of  their  errors  in  adhering  to  the  King's  party,  and  that  he,  with 
L.  C.  Berry,  was  sent  to   Plymouth,  to  treat  with  the  Governor." 

March  21.  The  Commons  gladly  hear  Peters  describe  the  pro- 
ceeding of  Sir  Thomas  Fairfax,  "  at  the  head  of  the  army.  He, 
also,  relates  to  them,  that  Lord  Hopton  and  many  of  his  officers 
had  gone  to  France;"  that  "  Pendennis  Castle  was  closely  be- 
sieged, and  that  tlu'  General  intended  to  return  towards  Exeter." 
In  consideration  of  his  deep  devotion  to  their  cause,  and  incessant 
efforts  for  its  trivnn})h,  the  ])arliament  settle  on  Peters  and  his 
heirs,  £100,  "out  of  the  Karl  of  Worcester's  estate." 

At  this  period  of  violent  excitement  and  bitter  invective  among 
the  different  parties  in  England,  the  production  of  Prynne,  "  A 
Fresh  Discovery  of  Blazing  Stars,  Fire-brands,"  etc.,  appears.  He 
had  found  in  the  study  of  Bishoj)  Laud,  tlu;  subscrii)tion  of  con- 
formity, signed  by  Peters,  Aug.  17, 1627,  endorsed  by  the  Primate 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  31 

himself,  as  well  as  similar  documents  from  other  divines,  who 
stood  strongly  for  Congregationalism.  Without  making  any 
charitable  allowance  for  their  privilege  to  alter  from  what  they 
deemed  a  wrong  to  a  right  position,  he  gives  a  loose  rein  to  the 
expression  of  his  prejudice.  "  Some  of  their  own  Independent 
Faction  had  other  thoughts  of  her  (the  Estabhshed  Church)  and 
ministry,  unlesse  they  dissembled  before  God  and  man,  as  they 
commonly  do  without  blush  or  check,  but  very  few  years  since ; 
and  among  other,  all  our  New  England  brethren  at  their  first 
departure  hence,  the  five  Independent  Apologists  and  Master  Hugh 
Peter,  Solicitor  Generall  of  the  Independent  cause  and  party." 
Conscious  that  the  stand  he  had  taken  and  retained,  however 
thus  assailed,  was  essentially  correct,  Peters  resolved  to  hold  it, 
let  the  results  to  his  person  be  what  they  might. 

The  Gangraena  of  Edwards,  published  this  year,  runs  a  tilt 
against  the  Congregationalists.  Of  its  remarks  is  the  following  : 
"  Mr.  Peters  hath  frequently,  in  city  and  country,  in  many  places, 
as  at  Chelmsford,  in  Essex,  and  at  several  churches  in  London, 
preached,  that,  if  it  were  not  for  livings  of  two  or  three  hundred 
pounds  a  year,  there  would  be  no  difference  between  the  Presby- 
terians and  Independents."  However  it  was  thus  imputed  to 
Peters,  as  a  fault,  that  he  had  advanced  the  belief,  that  as  a  gen- 
eral fact,  the  clergy  of  his  opponents  were  much  more  zealous  for 
party  lines,  on  account  of  large  salaries,  than  they  would  be,  if 
situated  otherwise,  still  he  was  correct  in  the  assumption,  as  ex- 
perience has  long  proved,  with  regard  to  all  denominations. 

In  his  "  Picture  of  Independents,"  John  Vicars,  one  of  their 
good  natured  antagonists,  gives  the  subsequent  anecdote.  "  This 
gentleman,"  Peters,  "  being  my  old  acquaintance,  came  to  me," 
at  Westminster  Hall,  "  O  Master  Vicars,"  says  he,  "  certainly  a 
great  deal  of  repentance  must  lie  on  your  soul."  Why,  Master 
Peters,  says  I,  what  have  I  done  ?  O,  says  he,  in  sadding  and  griev- 
ing the  hearts  of  God's  saints,  as  you  have  in  your  book.  Why,  Sir, 
says  I,  pray  tell  what  is  amiss  in  it.  Truly,  Master  Vicars,  says  he, 
it  is  naught  all  over,  naught  all  over,"  and  then  quickly  departed. 
Such  an  example  of  pleasantly  giving  and  receiving  rebuke,  in 
ecclesiastical  difference,  is  worthy  of  imitation. 

June.  The  ensuing  note  from  Peters,  is  characteristic  of  the 
kindness,  with  which  his  heart  ever  throbbed  for  the  distressed. 
"  To  my  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Rush  worth.  Secretary  to  the  General. 
Honored  friend,  I  understand,  that  the  Lady  Harlaw  (i)  is  out,  and 
the  Lady  Aubigny.  You  may  remember,  that  I  had  a  promise 
for  my  Lady  Newport,  when  you  know  my  Lord  Newport  is  here 
with  you.  I  pray  therefore,  let  me  entreat  you  in  favour  of  her 
enlargement." 

July  23.  The  Town  of  Worcester  having  capitulated,  its 
principal  inhabitants  receive  passes  of  protection  from  the  hands 
of  Peters,  on  condition,  that  they  do  not  bear  arms  against  the 
Parliament. 

(1)  The  Sloane  MS.,  as  transcribed  by  H.  G.  Somerby,  Esq.,  calls  this  name  Harford. 


32  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

Aug.  5.  Aware  of  his  being  "  instant  in  season,"  and  "  out  of 
season  "  to  promote  their  cause,  far  more  for  the  pubUc  welfare, 
than  his  private  interest,  Parhament  settle  upon  him  <£200  annually, 
and,  Oct.  5,  £200  more.  One  or  both  of  these  sums  may  have 
been  derived  from  part  of  Lord  Craven's  estate,  forfeited  for  his 
loyalty  and  granted  to  Peters  without  his  request,  who  referred  to 
it  in  his  Legacy,  as  a  source  of  his  principal  trouble. 

In  his  '•  Last  Report  of  the  English  Wars,"  Peters  answers 
seven  questions.  1.  "  Why  he  was  silent  at  the  surrender  of  Ox- 
ford ?  "  He  replies,  that  the  place  was  so  near  London,  and  the 
occurrence  so  generally  known,  there  was  no  need  of  his  giving  it 
greater  pubUcity.  He  adds,  "  You  had  nothing  committed  there 
by  ours,  that  had  not  its  rise  from  integrity  and  faithfulness  to  the 
State."  2.  "  What  he  observed  at  Worcester,  it  being  the  last 
town  in  the  king's  hand  ?  "  He  speaks  in  high  terms  of  the  skill 
and  bravery,  exhibited  there  by  Col.  Whalley  and  other  officers. 
He  observes,  "  I  preached  at  Worcester  at  our  coming  in  and 
afterwards,  did  observe  a  door  open  to  the  Gospel.  I  am  now 
satisfied  with  my  many,  many  petitions,  that  I  might  live  to  see 
this  day,  this  blessed  day,  and  the  last  town  of  the  enemies  taken. 
I  am  thinking  whether  to  go  a  few  days  more  in  this  vale  to  ad- 
mire what  I  have  seen  upon  earth,  and  then  die,  that  I  may 
praise  Him,  as  He  would  be  praised,  who  hath  founded  mercies 
for  his  servants,  and  brought  forth  deliverance  to  miracle,  through 
Jesus  Christ."  3.  "What  were  best  to  do  with  the  army?" 
"  The  disbanding  an  army  if  trusty,  ought  not  to  be  a  work  of 
haste.  Never  fewer  complaints,  nor  many  men  of  such  quality, 
whose  design  is  only  to  obey  their  masters,  viz:  the  Parliament.'* 
4.  "  If  he  had  any  expedient  for  the  present  difference  ? "  To 
nullify  such  want  of  harmony,  the  clergy  should  become  recon- 
ciled, and  general  charity  exercised  ;  Presbyterians  and  Independ- 
ents should  be  friendly  and  seek  for  the  greatest  public  benefit. 
"  Coals  blown  get  heat  and  strength  ;  neglected,  grow  cold.  I 
think  we  might  do  God  more  service  in  study  and  pulpits,  than 
in  waiting  at  great  men's  doors  and  working  them  up  to  their  self- 
ish interests."  5.  "  What  his  thoughts  were  in  relation  to 
foreign  States?  That  forthwith  we  might  have  some  choice 
agents  sent,  as  two  to  Sweden,  two  to  the  Cantons,  our  good 
friends,  two  to  the  Netherlands,  and  so  to  other  parts,  as  we  see 
cause,  and  these  accompanied  with  a  manifest  of  God's  gracious 
dealings  with  this  State,  letting  them  know  we  omitted  tliis  work 
in  our  misery,  lest  our  friends  might  fear  us  lor  beggars,  but  now 
being  upon  an  even  foot  with  them,  we  let  them  know  our  con- 
dition, and  how  we  are  ready  to  own  tiiem  against  a  conunon 
enemy."  G.  "  How  these  late  mercies  and  coiupiests  might  be 
preserved  and  improved  ?  By  the  same  means  the  mercy  is 
gained,  it  maybe  preserved,"  even  the  encouragement  of  good 
men.  "  Walk  plainly  in  your  counsels.  CJod  nt>eds  no  man's  lies 
to  carry  on  his  work.  Let  it  be  our  care  that  alter  ages  may  not 
say  we  conquered  ourselves  into  a  new  slavery.     Justice  will 


i 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters,  33 

exalt  and  maintain  a  nation.  I  wish  they  mif^ht  be  first  sharers  in 
it,  that  first  advcMitnred  their  estates  and  lives.  A  State  may 
stand  upon  any  frame  of  GovernmcMit,  if  fastened  totjethcr  with 
justice,  eharity  and  industry,  the  only  upholders  of  the  ll()urishin<( 
neighbor-nation,  the  Netherlands."  He  proposed,  that,  lor  the 
promotion  of  morals  and  religion,  as  the  chief  source  of  a  nation's 
prosperity,  three  or  four  missionaries  might  be  employed  in  each 
County.  He  added,  "  How  ripe  have  I  found  Herefordshire  and 
Worcestershire  for  the  Gospel  and  many  other  counties.''  7. 
"  Why  his  name  appears  in  so  many  books  not  without  blots  and 
he  never  wipe  them  oft"?"  "  I  have  been  thinking  to  answer  six  or 
seven  pamphlets,  that  name  me  either  enviously,  or  disgracefully, 
but  yet  remain  doubting.  The  Lord  rebuke  Satan.  This  I  must 
say,  if  either  in  doctrine  or  practice  I  have  failed,  the  time  is  not 
yet  wherein  any  brother  in  any  way  of  God  hath  dealt  with  me." 
He  referred  to  his  friendly  relations  with  Ames  and  Forbes  in 
Holland.  Speaking  of  his  former  church  in  Rotterdam,  he  re- 
marked, "  I  thank  the  Lord  it  continues  to  this  day."  Alluding 
to  his  residence  in  Massachusetts,  he  said,  "  Nor  did  I  lose  all  my 
seven  years  being  in  New  England,  amongst  those  faithful,  learn- 
ed, godly  brethren,  whose  way  of  worship,  if  we  profess,  it  will 
not  be  groundless  when  their  writings  are  examined.  But  to  those 
printed  scribbles  against  me,  I  may  provide  shortly  a  more  satis- 
factory answer,  where  I  may  plainly  charge  untrue  and  unworthy 
passages  upon  the  authors.  Now  the  good  Lord,  who  hath  led 
captivity  captive  for  us,  subdue  us  to  himself  and  grant  that,  in 
these  tossing,  tumbling,  foaming  seas,  we  depart  not  from  our 
principles  of  reason,  honor,  liberty,  much  less  Religion,  which  is 
the  prayer  of  Hugh  Peters." 

Oct.  26.  While  thus  laying  the  precepts  of  his  observation  and 
experience  before  the  public,  as  a  means  of  promoting  the  national 
good,  his  wife  had  recently  arrived  at  Boston  from  London,  some 
better  of  her  derangement.  She  soon  paid  a  visit  to  his  affectionate 
parishioners  at  Salem.  Her  affliction  received  his  deep  sympa- 
thy and  bore  heavily  on  his  spirits. 

In  the  course  of  this  year,  he  united  his  exertions  with  those  of 
the  estimable  Winslow  and  others,  to  parry  off  the  thrusts,  made 
by  the  non-freemen  of  this  Colony,  who  had  gone  to  London  with 
their  complaints,  at  the  reputation  of  our  Rulers,  before  the  func- 
tionaries of  Government. 

1647,  May  17.  As  a  mark  of  continued  attachment  to  his  con- 
gregation here,  he  had  given  his  share  of  a  small  barque  to  them, 
and  they  now  receive  profits  from  what  it  had  made. 

June  4.  The  King  is  taken  from  Holdenby  House,  by  a  volun- 
teer force,  under  Cornet  Joyce.  Dr.  Young  testified,  that  Peters 
told  him,  that,  when  this  took  place.  Parliament  intended  to  se- 
cure Cromwell  and  himself,  then  in  London  ;  but  being  informed 
of  their  design,  they  both  escaped ;  that,  as  they  rode  to  Ware, 
they  halted  to  consult  about  what  should  be  done  to  his  Majesty, 
and  that   they  concluded  he   ought  to  be  tried  and  beheaded. 


34  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

Still  the  deponent  put  in  the  caution,  that  he  was  not  certain 
whether  he  understood  it  was  Peters  or  Cromwell,  who  gave  such 
advice,  but  he  rather  thought  it  was  the  former.  To  this  charge, 
Peters  answered,  "  I  speak  in  the  presence  of  God,  I  profess  I 
never  had  any  near  conversation  with  Cromwell,  about  such 
things." 

1647,  July  19.  "VVhitlock  relates,  "  Mr.  Peters  went  to  the  King 
at  Newmarket  and  had  much  discourse  with  him."  He  proposed 
to  his  Majesty,  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy  as  a  means  of  recon- 
ciliation between  him  and  Parliament.  The  offer  was  accepted, 
and  a  conesponding  treaty  was  made.  But  the  document  was 
rendered  nugatory  by  the  Parliament's  falling  under  the  power  of 
the  army. 

Sept.  18.  These  forces  having  quartered  themselves  in  Lon- 
don, contrary  to  the  wishes,  exertions  and  influence  of  the  Pres- 
byterian party,  Peters  preaches  before  theur  ofllicers  in  Putney 
Church.  After  the  discourse  was  finished,  "  they  met  there  and 
debated   propositions   towards   the    settlement   of  the   bleeding 

country." 

About  this  date,  Peters  publishes  a  pamphlet  with  the  title, 
"  A  word  for  the  Armie,  and  two  words  for  the  Kingdome.  To 
cleare  the  one,  and  cure  the  other."  He  mentions  the  reasons, 
for  which  the  military  felt  themselves  called  to  exercise  their 
power  so  that  the  royalists  of  Parliament  should  comply  with 
what  they  considered  reasonable  terms.  The  chief  was,  that  the 
said  political  party  intended  to  disband  the  former  instead  of  send- 
ing them  to  Ireland,  where  they  had  offered  to  go  ;  because  the 
first  feared,  that  if  the  last  conquered  that  country,  they  would 
return  and  give  law  to  the  kingdom.  He  enumerates  the  hin- 
drances, which  retarded  the  nation  from  advancing  towards  the 
great  object  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  means  which  should  be 
used  to  remove  them.  He  closes  as  follows,  "  However  I  am  con- 
fident God  will  carry  on  this  work,  which  is  his  owne  ;  and  to  that 
end  I  looke  above  all  present  agitations,  knowing  if  wee  enter  into 
our  chambers,  and  shut  our  doors  for  a  little  moment,  the  indig- 
nation shall  be  over  past." 

Having,  in  this  production,  disagreed  with  Nathaniel  Ward's 
remarks  in  his  "  Religious  Retreat  to  a  Religious  Army  ;"  Peters 
received  a  spirited  reply  from  this  old  acquaintance  of  his,  in  a 
pamphlet  called,  "  A  Word  to  Mr.  Peters,  and  Two  Words  for  the 
Parliament  and  the  Kingdom." 

The  stand,  taken  by  Peters  on  this  occasion,  though  very  oflen- 
sive  to  the  Royalists,  helped  forward  the  Republican  cause,  and 
consequently,  to  bring  down  on  his  head,  the  increased  resent- 
ment of  his  opporKMits. 

However  these  considered  his  course,  others  of  equal  intelli- 
gence and  worth  held  the  same  ground  with  him.  The  observa- 
tions of  but  one  among  the  latter  will  be  cited.  Milton,  in  his 
reply  to  Salmasius,  used  the  subsequent  language :  "  Our  army 
sure  was  in  no  fault,  who  being  ordered  by  the   Parliament  to 


Memoir  of  Ilugh  Peters.  35 

come  to  town,  obeyed  and  quelled  the  faction  and  uproar  of  the 
King's  party,  who  sometimes  threatened  the  House  itself.  For 
things  were  brought  to  that  pass,  that  of  necessity  either  we  must 
be  run  down  by  them,  or  they  by  us."  He  then  spok(i  of  the  de- 
nomination, among  whom  Peters  was  classed.  "  The  lndej)end- 
ents,  as  they  are  called,  were  the  only  men,  that,  from  th(i  lirst  to 
last,  kept  to  their  point,  and  knew  what  use  to  make  of  their  vic- 
tory." 

i)ec.  Henry  Somerset,  Marquis  of  Worcester,  dies  in  the  cus- 
tody of  Government.  Peters  was  active  for  the  amelioration  of 
his  sorrows.  The  Marchioness,  relict  of  the  deceased,  gave  him  a 
certificate,  when  prosecuted  as  a  regicide.  It  was,  "  I  do  hereby 
testify,  that  in  all  the  sufferings  of  my  husband,  Mr.  Peters  was 
my  great  friend."  While  relating  this  fact  at  his  arraignment,  he 
added,  "  I  have  here  a  seal  (and  then  produced  it)  that  the  Earl 
of  Norwich  gave  me  to  keep  for  his  sake,  for  saving  his  life." 

Sir  John  Denham,  with  letters  from  the  Queen,  gained  access 
to  his  Majesty  through  the  kindness  of  Peters. 

Lilly  remarks,  that  after  conversing  with  General  Fairfax,  "  we 
went  to  visit  Mr.  Peters,  the  minister,  who  lodged  in  the  Castle 
(at  Windsor)  whom  we  found  reading."  Peters,  looking  at  a 
new  satirical  pamphlet  in  his  hand,  said,  "  Lilly,  thou  art  herein," 
to  which  he  replied,  "  are  not  you  there  also  ?  "  "  Yes,  that  I  am, 
quoth  he."  While  the  production  had  epithets  for  Lilly,  as  an 
Astrologer,  it  called  Peters,  "  Dr.  Sybbald." 

1648,  June.  At  the  beginning  of  this  month,  Peters  went  to 
Milford  and  hastened  large  ordnance  forwarded  from  the  ship 
Lion  to  the  Leaguer,  and  they  were  used  in  the  storming  of  Pem- 
broke. 

July.  Dr.  Young,  the  principal  accuser  of  him  on  his  trial,  be- 
comes acquainted  with  him  at  Milford,  under  the  profession  of 
being  a  strong  opposer  to  the  king.  This  was  when  Peters  was 
actively  engaged,  so  far  as  his  health  could  permit,  in  procuring 
supplies  for  the  Parliamentary  forces  in  Ireland. 

Sept.  7.  He,  with  Messrs.  Marshall  and  Caryl,  is  requested  to 
perform  religious  service  before  the  Commons,  next  day,  being 
Fast. 

Near  this  date,  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  surrenders  himself,  as  a 
prisoner,  to  Peters,  and  hands  him  his  George,  (i) 

Dec.  6.  While  the  forty-one  members  of  Parliament,  as  Carlyle 
relates,  who  were  of  the  Presbyterian  party  and  desirous  to  con- 
tinue the  King  on  the  throne,  were  detained  in  the  Queen's 
Court,  Peters  visited  them.  They  inquired  of  him  by  what  law 
they  were  held  in  durance.  His  answer  implied,  that  he  knew  of 
none  unless  the  law  of  necessity. 

7.  He  assists  in  the  religious  services  of  the  day  appointed  by 
the  House. 

Dec.  20.  He  is  desired  to  officiate  before  the  Commons,  the 
next  Friday,  in  St.  Margaret's  Church. 

(1)  A  figure  of  St.  George  on  horseback,  borne  by  Knights  of  the  Gaxter. 

6 


36  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

During  this  month,  he  met  frequently  with  Cromwell  and  a 
few  others,  in  Windsor,  where  the  army  had  their  head  quar- 
ters. 

Lilly  relates,  that,  in  the  Christmas  Holidays,  "  Lord  Gray  of 
Grooby  and  Hugh  Peters  sent  for  me  to  Somerset  House,  with 
dnections  to  bring  them  two  of  my  Almanacks.  I  did  so.  Peters 
and  he  read  January's  Observations."  The  author  had  printed 
under  this  month,  in  such  publications,  '•  I  beg  and  expect  Justice." 
He  observes,  that  one  of  the  two  others  said,  "  We  shaU  do  jus- 
tice." He  adds,  that  he  did  not  think  then,  that  they  referred  to 
King  Charles. 

1649,  Jan.  4.  The  Commons,  havmg  laid  down  the  position, 
that  "  The  people  are  the  origin  of  all  just  power,"  and  they  them- 
selves are  representatives  of  the  people,  decide,  that  whatever  act 
was  passed  by  them,  had  the  force  of  law,  without  the  consent  of 
the  King  and  Peers.  Then  they  adopt  an  order  for  the  trial  of 
the  royal  prisoner. 

Immediately  Peters  accompanies  the  King  to  London,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  Harrison.  He  was  afterwards  accused 
of  riding  at  St.  James'  before  his  Majesty's  coach  with  six  horses, 
"  like  a  Bishop  Almoner,"  in  a  triumphant  manner.  He  answered, 
"  The  king  commanded  me  to  ride  before  him,  that  the  Bishop  of 
London  might  come  to  him." 

13.  "  The  King  desired  that  IVIaster  Peters,  Mr.  Thomas  Good- 
win^ and  Mr.  Dell  may  be  sent  to  him  about  some  resolves." 

20.  After  a  conference  between  his  Majesty  and  Peters,  the 
latter  offered  a  petition  to  the  House,  that  the  former  might  have 
one  of  his  chaplains  to  advise  him  on  some  questions  of  con- 
science. Dr.  Juxon,  bishop  of  London,  was  accordingly  allowed 
to  be  with  the  King  till  his  execution.  Lingard  speaks  of  the 
part  acted  by  Peters,  on  this  occasion,  as  honorable  to  his  head 
and  heart. 

27.  In  a  letter  from  Roger  Williams,  to  John  Winthrop,  Jr., 
the  next  May,  it  is  stated,  that  news  had  reached  the  former,  that 
on  the  first  of  these  two  dates,  "  Mr.  Peters  preached  after  the  fash- 
ion of  England,  the  funeral  sermon  to  the  king  after  sentence," 
from  Isaiah,  14  c.  18  vs.  It  appears  irom  his  trial,  that  he  intended 
to  preach  I'rom  this  text,  at  such  a  time,  but  did  not.  He,  however, 
delivered  a  discourse  the  next  day,  from  Psalm  149  :  6  7, 8,  9,  vs.  at 
St.  James's  Chapel.  He  officiated  on  the  21,  from  the  same  pas- 
sage, at  Whitehall.  When  arraigned,  he  was  accused  of  remarks 
in  such  discourses,  as  justified  the  execution  of  his  Majesty.  Part 
of  them,  he  denied.  With  regard  to  tlie  rest  of  them,  as  the  lan- 
guage of  a  decided  and  energetic  republican,  tliey,  of  course,  must 
have  bticn  offensive  to  tlie  ears  of  royalisls.  There  can  be 
little  doubt,  but  that  after  his  endeavors  U)  effect  a  reconcihalion 
between  the  King  and  Parliament,  and  it  was  plain,  that  if  tlu^ 
former  swayed  his  sceptre  as  he  had  done,  the  latter  nmst  yield 
up  the  power  they  had  gained,  and  thus  the  great  object  of  the 
revolution  for  greater  liberty  in  Church  and  Slate,  be  lost,  Peters 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  37 

came  to  the  unpleasant,  but  necessary  conclusion,  that  it  was 
better  for  his  Majesty  to  lose  his  crown,  than  the  Parliament  to 
be  subdued.  Ot  course,  when  invited  to  speak  before  the  national 
authorities  on  public  affairs,  he  in  the  honest  expression  of  his 
opinion,  would  lay  down  such  propositions  and  so  remark  on 
them  as  to  displease  the  favorers  of  the  throne,  and  prepare  their 
minds  to  entertain  impressions  against  him  and  utter  them  to  his 
disadvantage,  when  op})ortunity  shovild  ofier.  This  has  always, 
been  exhibited  by  strong  opponents,  when  summoned  to  describe 
the  words  and  actions  of  their  antagonists,  especially  after  bloody 
contentions  for  the  mastery  of  a  kingdom. 

30.  On  this  day,  Charles  Stuart,  the  King  of  England,  is 
brought  to  the  scaffold,  erected  in  the  street  before  "Whitehall. 
Having  addressed  those  near  his  person,  in  vindication  of  himself 
against  the  charge  of  treason  and  made  a  confession  of  his  regret, 
that  he  consented  to  the  death  of  Strafford,  and  expressed  the  for- 
giveness of  his  persecutors,  Juxon  reminded  him  that  he  had  but 
one  short  stage  more,  though  a  trying  one,  to  heaven.  "  I  go," 
said  Charles,  "from  a  corruptible  to  an  incorruptible  crown,  where 
no  disturbance  can  arise."  "  You  are  exchanged,"  said  the  bishop, 
"  from  a  temporal  to  an  eternal  crown,  a  good  exchange  I  "  The 
monarch  laid  his  head  on  the  block  and  it  was  immediately  sev- 
ered. Lamentable  scene,  and  equally  so,  the  imperfections  of 
human  nature,  which  were  the  cause  of  its  being  acted  I 

Among  the  numerous  stories  told  of  Peters,  was  one,  that  he  cut 
off  his  majesty's  head  with  his  own  hand.  Barwick  as  referred 
to  by  Harris,  remarks,  that  Peters  "  was,  upon  no  slight  grounds, 
accused  to  have  been  one  of  the  King's  murtherers,  though  it 
could  not  be  sufficiently  proved  against  him."  In  such  a  connex- 
ion, a  satyrical  piece  of  1649,  is  adduced  as  confirmatory  of  the 
suspicion. 

"  There's  Peters,  the  Denver  (nay  t'  is  said) 
He  that  (disguised)  cut  off  his  masters  head." 

But,  by  the  only  witness,  whom  Peters  summoned  at  his  trial, 
and  who  lived  with  him,  at  the  royal  execution,  but  afterwards 
was  in  the  national  service,  he  showed,  that  he  was  confined  to 
his  bed  with  sickness,  the  very  hours  before,  at  and  after  the  tragic 
event.  His  solemn  declaration  was,  "I  do  profess  before  angels 
and  men,  I  did  not  stir  out  of  my  chamber  that  day."  On  this 
point,  Lilly  in  his  Memoirs  states,  that  Robert  Spavin,  Secretary 
of  Cromwell,  declared  to  him,  that  the  executioner  was,  Lt.  Col. 
Joyce,  and  then  repeats  his  words,  "  I  was  in  the  room  when  he 
fitted  himself  for  the  work,  stood  behind  him  when  he  did  it ; 
when  done,  went  in  again  with  him." 

Feb.  17.  Desirous  to  save  the  life  of  Hamilton,  Earl  of  Cam- 
bridge, Peters  gives  testimony,  that  this  nobleman  was  promised 
quarter,  when  he  surrendered.  March  8.  A  letter  has  the  passage, 
"  Yesterday,  Mr.  Peters'  presenting  Hamilton's  petition,  made 
many  belieVe,  that  he  would  escape."  This  nobleman  command- 
ed the  Scottish  forces,  who  invaded  England,  to  sustain  the  royal 


38  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

cause,  and  was  defeated  at  Preston.  Though  the  compassionate 
effort  of  Peters  did  not  prevail,  the  general  expectation,  that  he 
would  succeed,  indicated  the  prevalent  impression  of  his  aversion  to 
taking  away  the  life  of  friends  to  the  Crown,  and  the  large  share  of 
influence,  which  he  had  with  the  national  authorities.  The  emi- 
nent prisoner,  for  whom  he  so  interceded,  was  executed  the  next 
day.  As  the  dying  expression  of  his  obligation  to  Peters,  he  bid 
him  adieu  and  embraced  him. 

Lord  George  Goring  is  condemned  for  waging  war  against  the 
Parliament,  but  is  soon  reprieved  through  the  application  of  Peters. 
In  view  of  his  repeated  endeavors  of  this  kind,  he  could  truly  say, 
as  he  did  in  one  of  his  last  publications,  "  For  my  carriage,  I 
challenge  all  the  King's  party  to  speak,  if  I  were  uncivil ;  nay, 
many  of  them  had  my  purse,  hand,  help  every  way,  and  are 
ready  to  witness  it." 

June  7.  At  a  Thanksgiving,  in  commemoration  of  Cromwell's 
victory,  to  which  the  Lord  Mayor  of  London  invited  the  Council, 
the  General  and  his  officers,  Peters  is  a  guest.  With  his  usual 
acrimony  of  style,  when  the  advocates  for  free  institutions  were 
his  theme,  Clement  Walker,  in  his  Anarchia,  describes  the  occa- 
sion, and  asserts,  that  many  of  the  partakers  indulged  themselves 
to  intoxication.  He  particularly  singles  out  Peters  as  the  object 
of  his  deep-rooted  prejudice.  But  the  spirit  of  his  whole  strain 
carries  proof  on  the  face  of  it,  that  his  vision  was  distorted,  so  that 
it  discerned  men  as  trees  walking  and  led  him  to  portray  his  po- 
litical antagonists  as  he  should  not. 

Aug.  16.  The  Diurnal  contains  a  communication  from  Peters, 
at  Milford  Haven,  to  the  Council  of  State.  "  Last  night,  when 
we  came  from  sea,  we  agreed  (after  seeking  God,)  to  wait  upon 
his  pleasure  for  the  place,  being  persuaded  it  were  better  to  fasten 
upon  any  part  of  Ireland,  than  to  hazard  our  men  aboard,  or 
bring  them  ashoar  to  burden  the  poore  country.  Things  look 
hopefully,  if  our  corruptions  hinder  not.  Oh  !  that  self,  that  reigns 
every  where.  Be  assured,  all  dihgence  is  used  for  you  by  H. 
Peters." 

Sept.  1.  He  sends  the  same  Body  an  account,  that  their  forces 
had,  arrived  sa^fely  at  Dublin.  He  relates  that  they  had  detained 
^^Dutch  man.'^f  war  under  suspicion  of  i)eing  bound  to  Ireland. 
He  was  empkvye(i^in  examination  of  her  officers,  particularly 
for  his  acquaintance  with  their  language. 

15.  /He'&l(l^ess^s  ilu'  Council  from  the  same  country,  where 
he.  is  with  Cromwell.  "  Trcdagh  (Drogedah)  is  taken  ;  355*2  of 
the  enemy  slain,  and  64  of  ours.  We  have  also  Trim  and  Dun- 
dalk,  and  are  marching  to  Kilkenny.  1  came  now  from  giving 
thanks  in  the  great  church."  With  regard  to  the  expeditions  to 
Ireland,  they,  were  considered  by  the  Parliamentary  army,  as  a 
sort  of  holy4^'rus;V^{-t  against  the  Catholics,  who,  in  zealously  bat- 
tling^or  tlic'icyir  caiise,  had  killed  many  of  the  Protestants  and 
treated  tffosc  nl  fh^rn^  who  fell  into  their  himds,  as  heretics,  de- 
serving iinj^iiigrcyi/j 


^» 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  39 

17.  Whitlock  informs  ns,  that  Peters,  "  at  thebe^-inninf^of  the 
troubles"  there,  headed  "a  Brigade  against  the  rebels,  and  came 
off  with  honour  and  victory,  and  the  like  was  not  expected  from 
him."  It  may  appear  strange,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  and 
very  different  from  those  of  that  occasion,  that  Peters  should  so 
have  united  ihv  military  with  the  clerical  doth. 

But  the  public  opinion  of  those,  with  whom  he  was  associated, 
applauded  his  course,  as  honorable  and  dutiful. 

To  this  import,  was  a  communication  from  the  Protector  to 
Col.  Hacker,  though  written  afterwards,  Dec.  25,  1650.  "  Truly 
I  think,  he  that  prays  and  preaches  best,  will  fight  best.  I  bless 
God  to  see  any  in  this  army,  able  and  willing  to  impart  the 
knowledge  they  have,  for  the  good  of  others.  I  expect  it  will  be 
encoiuaged  by  all  the  chief  officers  in  this  army."  Others  of  op- 
posite principles,  censured  such  a  practice  among  the  Lidepend- 
ents,  while  they  approved  of  it  in  those  of  their  own  party.  The 
very  historians,  who  reproached  Peters  for  similar  conduct, 
praised  the  Rev.  Dr.  Walker  for  defending  Londonderry,  against 
James  II. ;  Williams,  Archbishop  of  York,  for  doing  the  same  as 
to  Conway  Castle,  and  Chillingworth,  the  celebrated  divine,  for 
bearing  arms  to  sustain  his  Sovereign,  and  acting  as  engineer  at 
the  siege  of  Gloucester.  It  may  be  said,  that  these,  so  commin- 
gling clerical  and  military  services,  did  it,  because  they  thought 
themselves  brought  into  extraordinary  crises,  and,  therefore,  they 
are  to  be  praised  rather  than  blamed.  Peters  believed  that  he 
was  similarly  situated,  and  his  case  requires  a  like  allowance. 
The  facts,  so  adduced,  are  not  offered  as  a  plea  for  the  general  ex- 
pediency of  preachers  becoming  soldiers,  but  to  show,  that,  in 
accordance  with  consistency,  if  others  are  approved  for  doing,  in 
no  greater  emergency,  what  Peters  did,  his  reputation  should  not 
be  sunk  with  a  mill  stone  of  prejudice,  while  theirs  is  exalted  by 
the  plaudits  of  favor. 

Oct.  12.  John  Eliot  addresses  Peters.  Some  extracts  follow : 
"  The  Lord  hath  greatly  delighted  to  improve  you,  and  eminently 
your  talent  is  increased  to  ten  talents,  for  our  Lord  and  Master's  hon- 
our and  use  ;  and  doubt  not  but  your  crowne  shall  be  answerable. 
You  are  indeed  much  envyed,  evil  spoken  of,  smitten  wdth  the 
tongue.  No  matter.  Be  not  troubled  at  what  men  say,  when 
they  speake  evill  of  you,  seeing  you  cannot  but  see,  yea,  all  may 
see  it,  God  dealeth  well  by  you,  the  Lord  doth  improve,  accept, 
succeed  you.  I  cannot  w4sh  you  in  New  England  so  long  as 
you  are  of  such  great  use  and  service  in  the  Old ;  not  because  I 
love  you  not,  but  because  I  love  you  and  the  cause  of  God,  which 
you  do  totis  viribus  pursue  and  prosper  in.  I  have  a  request  unto 
you  in  behalfe  of  these  poore  Indians.  We  are  about  to  make  a 
Town,  and  bring  them  to  a  cohabitation  and  civility,  for  the  accom- 
plishment whereof  we  want  a  Magazine  of  all  sorts  of  edge  tools, 
and  instruments  of  husbandry,  for  cloathing,  etc.  That  success- 
ful and  seasonable  Magazine  of  Provisions,  which  you  were  a 
Lively  instrument  to  procure  so  seasonably  at  Bristoll,  for  the  re- 


. 


40  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

liefe  of  the  army  at  Pembroke,  doth  incourage  and  imbolden  me 
to  request  this  favour,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to  use  that 
wisdome  and  interest  the  Lord  hath  given  you  in  the  hearts 
of  his  people,  to  further  this  Magazine  for  the  poore  Indians." 
Eliot  proceeds  to  advance  ideas,  like  those  in  his  Christian  Com- 
monwealth. "  The  only  Magna  Charta  in  the  world,  is  the  holy 
Scriptures.  Oh!  what  an  opportunity  hath  the  Parliament  now 
to  bring  in  Christ  to  rule  in  England.  If  they  do  that,  Christ  will 
prosper  and  preserve  them."  This  epistle  from  a  far  country,  dear 
to  his  heart,  must  have  been  very  welcome  to  Peters.  It  speaks 
of  the  calumny,  uttered  against  him  by  political  foes,  with  the  dis- 
approbation, which  it  deserved.  It  brings  to  light  an  instance  of 
his  beneficent  enterprise,  which,  but  for  such  development,  like 
many  others  of  a  kindred  sort,  might  have  slumbered  in  oblivion. 
Its  author,  while  uttering  the  expressions  of  his  friendship  and  his 
opinions  in  favor  of  a  Republic,  as  little  thought,  that  the  influ- 
ence of  restored  Royalty  would  reach  across  the  Atlantic  and  com- 
pel him  to  apologize,  as  Peters  had,  that  his  zeal  for  freedom, 
would  prove  the  forfeiture  of  his  life. 

Returning  from  Ireland  to  Milford,  Peters  was  taken  dangerously 
ill.  It  was  supposed,  that  he  took  his  sickness  from  the  com- 
mander of  the  ship,  which  brought  him  over,  while  praying  at  his 
side.  He  was  so  low,  that  it  was  difficult  to  have  him  moved  on 
shore.  Dr.  Young,  who  became  acquainted  with  him,  the  year 
previous,  received  him  to  his  own  house.  He  was  instrumental  in 
restoring  him  to  health  in  a  short  time.  He  was  a  secret  sup- 
porter of  the  crown,  under  the  guise  of  a  Parliament  man.  Thus 
he  acted  as  a  spy  upon  his  confiding  patient,  who  remained  with 
him  ten  weeks.  His  own  relation  was,  "  I  observed  in  him,  that 
he  had  some  secret  thoughts,  that  I  could  not  well  discover, 
neither  well  understand ;  whereupon  I  thought  it  might  tend  to 
my  security,  that  I  should  so  much  sympathize  with  him,  to  get 
within  him  to  know  his  intentions."  Capable  of  such  duplicity, 
he  was  a  chief  witness  against   Peters,  at  his  subsequent  trial. 

Among  other  items,  told  by  him  in  reference  to  the  latter,  was, 
that  he  came  over  with  power  from  Cromwell,  to  have  companies 
of  soldiers  raised  for  service  in  Ireland.  Brook  quotes  the  story 
of  Dr.  Walker,  who  eagerly  caught  at  exaggerated  reports  to  the 
disadvantage  of  those,  whose  state  poHcy  came  in  collision  with 
his  own.  Peters  "  having  misspent  his  time  and  raised  only  three 
companies,  Cromwell's  wife  drew  up  articles  against  him.  Hear- 
ing of  this,  Peters  contrived  with  Col.  Philip  .lones  and  Mr. 
Sampson  liort,  to  settle  a  Congregational  C'hurch  of  their  own 
invention,  hoping,  by  this  means,  to  make  it  appear,  that  instead 
of  being  idle,  he  had  been  all  the  time,  very  well  emj^loyed." 
The  accusation  here  fails  to  be  substantiated  by  its  accompany- 
ing facts.  Peters  was  at  Milford  but  ten  w(^eks,  as  already  speci- 
fied. Owing  to  his  seven*  illness,  he  could  not  have  been  suffi- 
ciently strong  to  have  c()nij)li(Ml  with  his  instrnrtions  in  less  than 
two  or  three  weeks.      For  the  rest  of  the  time,  he  exerted  himself 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  41 

so  that  three  companies  were  engaged,  prepared  and  sent  to  their 
appointed  station.  This,  of  itselt,  would  have  saved  him,  with  all 
his  activity,  from  the  just  charge  of  being  dilatory.  But,  in  addi- 
tion, he  and  two  friends,  succeeded  in  collecting  and  establishing 
a  church  on  their  own  platform.  Surely,  were  the  su|)posed  fic- 
tion of  Mrs.  Cromwell's  disj)leasure  at  Peters,  because  he  wasted 
his  time,  a  fact,  she  must  have  judged  erroneously  ;  couJd  she  have 
had  experience  in  the  peribrmance  of  such  labors,  she  would  have 
been  convinced,  that  commendation,  and  not  blame,  was  his  due. 

16'50,'  Feb.  7.  A  letter  of  the  Cromwelliana,  is  addressed  by 
Peters,  from  Milford,  to  one  of  his  friends.  He  mentions,  that  "  the 
JNIarquesse  of  Ormond  hath  had  a  treaty  with  the  popish  clergy," 
in  L'cland,  "and  many  overtures  have  passed  between  them,  and 
at  last  all  things  are  fully  concluded  between  them."  He  states, 
that  Cromwell  is  preparing  to  march  against  their  forces.  He 
adds,  "  Sir  Lewis  Dives  (the  great  royalist,  that  broke  away  to 
save  his  head,  when  the  Lords  were  to  be  tried,)  is  among  the  Pojpish 
Irish.  I  believe  his  being  there  is  to  see  what  is  probable  to  be 
done  by  them  for  their  king  there.  We  are  giving  the  ingagement. 
I  pray  God  self-denial  may  appear  among  all  hearts." 

March  23.  Tlie  Diurnal  says,  one  wTites  from  Milford  to  Lon- 
don, "  I  have  enclosed  two  letters,  sent  Master  Peters,  wliich  he 
was  entreated;  wherein  there  are  from  New  England  and  else- 
where, very  savoury  propositions  and  seasonable  for  England  and 
Ireland."  One  of  these  communications  is  signed  R.  S.  A  pas- 
sage or  two  are  cited.  "  Observing  in  a  letter  of  yours,  your  pious 
desires  to  have  help  of  ministers  among  the  ignorant  and  super- 
stitious Irish,  I  thought  it  not  amisse,  to  impart  some  cogitations 
unto  you.  Ireland  is  conceived  unhealthy  in  the  generahty,  so 
that  men  dare  not  fix  themselves  without  some  triall.  I  conceive, 
that  if  some  liberty  were  given  to  English  ministers,  to  depute, 
for  a  while,  some  in  their  places  in  England,  till  they  had  experi- 
ence how  their  bodies  would  agree  with  that  climate,  it  might 
happily  draw  over  some  considerable  men,  that  did  affect  the  con- 
version of  that  nation."  The  writer  advises,  that  favor  be  shown 
to  the  Irish,  who  speak  English,  and  thus  "  spread  our  language 
unto  the  people  and  the  sooner  let  in  the  Gospel." 

25.  Information  is  received  in  the  metropohs,  from  "  INIilford 
Haven,  that  the  country  thereabout  did  unanimouslv  take  the  In- 
gagement ;  that  ^Ir.  Peters  opened  the  matter  to  them,  and  did 
much  incourage  them  to  take  it." 

April  27.  He  communicates  at  South  Wales,  with  a  distant 
friend.  Among  his  related  facts  is,  that  a  frigot  which  sailed  yes- 
terday from  Millbrd  for  Ireland,  is  to  bring  Cromwell  back  to  Eng- 
land if  he  prefer. 

1651,  April  17.  The  Missionary  Corporation  write  from  Lon- 
don to  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies.  They  observe 
in  reference  to  the  Mission,  among  the  Indians :  "  It  is  strange  to 
see  what  and  how  many  objections  arise  against  the  work,  some 
from  the  ill  management  of  former  gifts,  bestowed  on  the  country  of 


42  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

New  England,  of  which  no  account  hath  been  given  to  the  donors, 
and  some  personally  reflecting  on  Mr.  Wells  and  Mr.  Peters,  some 
upon  ourselves,  as  if  we  had  so  much  per  pound  of  what  is  col- 
lected, or  might  feast  ourselves  liberally  therewith;  whereas 
through  mercy,  we  never  eat  or  drank  of  the  fruit  or  charge  of  it, 
and  neither  have  had  or  expect  a  penny  or  pennyworth  for  all  the 
pains  we  shall  take  therein.  As  for  Mr.  Peters  and  Mr.  Wells, 
they  have  sufficiently  satisfied  us  with  what  hath  been  formerly 
answered." 

This  year,  Peters  publishes  his  "  Good  Work  for  a  good  Magis- 
trate, or  a  short  cut  to  great  quiet." 

June  7.  In  the  dedication  of  it,  "  To  the  Supreme  Power,  and 
all  true  Patriots  under  them,"  are  the  subsequent  extracts.  The 
contents  of  the  production  "  are  the  scribblings  of  two  friends  di- 
vided by  places,  to  satisfy  each  other  about  some  practicable 
pieces  of  several  kindes,  especially  looking  at  Religion,  the  Poor, 
Justice,  Law,  Navies,  Merchandize,  which  are  now  the  breeders 
of  manie  thoughts  amongst  Englishmen.  And  truly  as  hee  is 
foolish,  that  would  dare  to  prescribe  to  your  wisdoms ;  so  is  hee 
unfaithful,  that  would  keep  a  mite  from  your  treasure.  It  is  de- 
sired, that  no  man  of  anie  profession  would  despise  these  small 
things,  or  the  daie  of  them  ;  but  seriously  attend  them  to  enlarge- 
ment and  practice ;  for  doubtless,  an  honest  heart  and  a  quick 
head  will  soon  enliven  all  these.  Your  Honors  know  you  are  the 
Remainders  of  much  winnowing.  You  know  as  your  travels 
have  been  great  and  dangerous,  so  verie  successful.  This  good  we 
have  alreadie  under  you,  that  men  may  bee  as  good  as  they  can, 
but  not  so  bad  as  they  would.  It  is  humbly  conceived,  Republicks 
sow  the  seed  of  their  ruin  in  faction  ;  which  wise  men  sale  cannot 
bee  cured  but  by  frequent  elections,  and  cleer  and  plain  dealings 
betwixt  men  in  place,  according  to  Mat.  18.  And  then  who  can 
saie  a  government  of  so  manie  praiers  and  tears  should  perish  ? 
when  after  ages  shall  read  written  on  your  doors,  and  practised  by 
you  and  your  successors, 

This  hous  hates  sin,  loves 

peace  and  vice  corrects, 
Mainteins  just  Laws,  and 

honest  men  protects." 

After  these  suggestions,  Peters  addresses  a  friend  of  the  initials, 
J.  T.  "  You  must  excuse  mee,  if  I  join  my  thoughts  with  yours, 
and  further  give  waie  to  opportnnitie  pressing  the  piil)lishing  our 
heartie  short  breatliings  after  the  good  of  tlie  Comnionwealtli, 
rais'd  and  preserv'd  even  to  miracle.  Bee  not  discouraged  to  con- 
tinue your  contributions.  I  know  wee  now  desire  onley  to  laie 
this  rough  work  before  better  heads  and  hands,  and  be  assured 
this  nation  is  not  barren  altogether  of  self  denying  spirits  and  in- 
genuous Patriots;  and  though  Holland  seem  to  get  the  start  of  us, 
yet  wee  may  so  follow,  as  to  stand  at  length  on  their  shouklers 
and  so  see  further.     Our  present  transactions  make  us  look  like 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  43 

Martha,  wee   hope  our  great  end  will  appear  to  be  Marie's  one 
thing  neceysarie." 

In  the  prosecution  of  his  design  in  the  book,  Peters  lays  down 
the  following  premises.  "  The  waies  and  means  ordained  of  God, 
to  bring  anie  nation  to  and  preserv  them  in  as  happie  a  condition 
as  this  world  can  atlbrd,  are  by,  1  True  Religion  maintained  and 
advanced  by  the  magistrate,  and  walked  in  by  th(;  people;  II 
True  mercie  towards  the  poor  practised,  and  advanced  both 
by  Magistrates  and  People ;  III  True  Justice  and  Righteousness 
amongst  both  Magistrates  and  People,  towards  other  Nations." 
Under  the  first  proposition,  he  considers  "  how  the  Universities 
may  bee  made  useful  that  waie,  as  beeing  the  foundation  upon 
which  the  other  is  built."  He  would  have  "  the  monuments  of  Idol- 
atrie  (Romanism)  viz.  gowns,  caps,  matriculations,  with  manie  cer- 
emonies about  Commencements,"  abolished,  and  "  let  scholars  live 
as  other  men  for  apparel."  He  remarks,  "  The  true  regulating  of 
these  colleges  will  bee  the  returning  them  to  the  service  of  Christ 
indeed."  To  secure  this,  he  proposed,  that  the  education  therein 
"  bee  Christian  and  noble,"  and  "  that  the  means  bee  adequate." 
He  wished,  that  the  funds,  which  he  considered  as  well  appro- 
priated, may  be  applied  to  educate  talented  and  pious  young 
men  for  the  ministry,  who  should  form  churches  on  the  platform 
of  Hooker  and  Cotton,  in  New  England.  In  connection  with 
this,  he  recommends  that  measures  be  taken  for  funds  to  sup- 
port the  widows  of  such  clergymen.  While  speaking  how  the 
magistrate  might  do  much  good  to  the  poor,  Peters  recommends 
savings  banks,  where  the  distressed  might  obtain  a  loan  on  the 
pledge  of  property  ;  the  abolition  of  imprisonment  for  poor  debtors, 
and  the  abuses  of  prisons.  He  opposed  the  drinking  of  healths. 
He  was  against  attainders,  and  desirous  that  innocent  child- 
ren should  not  suffer  for  the  guilt  of  their  parents. 

With  regard  to  printing  he  wished  to  have  it  under  wholesome 
regulation,  and  "that  all  Popish  and  offensive  books,  libels  and 
loos  pamphlets  may  bee  suppresse'd." 

He  says, "  for  a  Bodie  of  Laws,  I  know  none  but  such  as  should 
bee  the  result  of  sound  reason,  nor  do  I  know  any  such  reason, 
but  what  the  God  of  wisdom  hath  appointed.  Therefore  the 
Moral  Law  is  doubtles  the  best,  to  which  Moses's  judicials  added 
with    Solomon's  rules  and  experiments,  will  bee  compleat." 

He  advised,  when  a  proper  code  was  formed,  "  to  burn  all  the 
old  records,  yea,  even  those  in  the  Tower,  the  monuments  of 
tyrannic."  Though  antiquaries  would  hardly  agree  with  him  in 
this  matter,  still  there  was  reason  in  his  wish,  that  the  past  exam- 
ples of  oppressive  laws  might  not  continue,  lest  they  might  be 
an  inducement  for  their  re-adoption.  The  modesty  with  which  he 
offered  his  thoughts  and  those  of  his  friends  in  this  small  volume, 
should  nullify  the  prejudice,  which  many  indulged  against  him, 
as  though  he  was  very  presumptuous  for  giving  it  to  the  public. 
There  are  many  suggestions  in  it,  which  if  hearkened  to,  would 
prove  essentially  beneficial  to  any  government,  They  have  much 
7 


44  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

resemblance  to  the  regulations  of  the  United  Colonies  in  New 
England,  so  far  as  applicable  to  their  condition,  as  recent  settle- 
ments, who  made  the  Scriptures  the  great  standard  of  their  civil 
as  well  as  of  their  ecclesiastical  legislation.  The  experience  of 
Peters,  as  to  the  customs  of  our  country,  of  Holland  and  of  his 
native  kingdom,  well  qualified  him  to  increase  the  stock  of  in- 
formation needed  for  the  occasion.  The  mere  fact  that  he  was 
educated  as  a  clergyman  is  no  conclusive  proof,  as  many  have 
appeared  to  suppose,  that  he  had  no  other  knowledge  but  of  the- 
ology, and  was,  therefore,  unfit  to  proffer  his  ideas  on  any  thing 
else.  The  human  mind  is  so  divinely  constituted,  that  its  profi- 
ciency in  one  branch  of  true  science,  does  by  no  means  contract, 
but  rather  enlarges  its  power  to  excel  in  another. 

1652.  Jan.  20.  The  Parliament  appoint  twenty-one  persons  to 
consider  the  abuses  of  the  national  laws  and  report  accordingly. 
Peters  is  among  them.  His  late  publication  had  a  bearing  on  the 
topic,  and  probably  had  much  influence  in  bringing  it  forward. 
He  remarked  of  such  a  trust,  "  When  I  was  called  about  mend- 
ing laws,  I  was  rather  there  to  pray."  Some  writers  have  set  this 
down,  as  a  confession  of  his  utter  disqualification  to  discharge 
the  duties  of  such  a  commission.  They  little  considered,  that  "  dis- 
trustful sense  with  modest  caution  speaks,"  while  unexperienced 
boldness  abounds  in  self-plaudits.  The  fact  is,  that  while  the 
judicial  and  civil  affairs  of  the  kingdom  called  for  lawyers  and 
pohticians,  those  of  the  church  as  strongly  demanded  such  men 
as  Peters.  It  is  neither  a  correct  nor  safe  position,  that  divines 
have  no  business  with  codes  of  government.  However  political 
influence  may  gain  the  preponderance,  generally,  in  all  legisla- 
tion, to  the  proportionate  exclusion  of  rehgious  influence,  stiff  the 
Scriptures  assure  us,  that  a  universal  reformation  will  take  place, 
when  the  world  wiff  be  "  of  one  heart"  and  "of  one  mind,"  in  the 
behef,  love  and  practice  of  Christianity.  Of  course,  when  this 
change,  more  important  than  that,  which  shall  give  rational  free-, 
dom  to  all  nations,  shall  be  completed,  there  wiU  be  a  radical 
alteration  in  the  principles  and  forms  of  government.  The  laws 
and  the  administration  of  them  will  be  based  supremely  on  the 
Gospel,  and  a  Paul  will  be  a  more  po])ular  speaker  in  legislative 
halls  than  a  Chatham;  the  systems  of  Cotton,  Eliot  and  Peters 
wiff  appear  more  practical  than  fanatical,  more  useful  tlian  lutile, 
more  acceptable  than  contemj)tible. 

April  20.  In  a  letter  to  his  agents  in  Salem,  Peters  thus  ex- 
presses hims(!ff";  "  I  wish  you  all  good,  and  pray  you  to  sell  my 
mill,  or  what  you  wiff,  that  may  be  i)arte(l  witli."  Occasional  di- 
versions of  this  kind,  from  the  genend  bent  of  his  thoughts,  to- 
wards a  spot,  endeiircd  to  his  affections  by  more  than  ordinary 
ties,  were  gleams  of  joy  in  his  common  experience. 

This  year,  Henry  (Jardiner  publishes  remarks  on  New  Eng- 
land, in  Londoji,  against  the  annexation  of  Maine  to  Massachu- 
setts. He  says,  Hugh  Peters  and  others  "  made  use  of  their 
times,"  and  "  subjugated  all  the  Eastern  parts," 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  45 

Sept.  7.  Nathaniel  Briscoe  writes  from  the  same  metropolis,  to 
Thomas  Broughton,  his  son-in-hiw,  of  Boston,  "There  is  a  book 
newly  put  out  ae^aiiist  Mr.  Peters  and  another  against  the  Judges, 
Lawyers  and  Courts,  setting  out  their  unjust  dealings  and  pro- 
ceedings with  men."  The  communication,  containing  this  and 
other  passages,  was  so  oflensive  to  the  Bay  authorities,  that  they 
had  a  copy  of  it  sent  back  to  the  Government  of  England. 

1653.  April  8.  An  act  for  the  probate  of  wills  and  granting 
administrations,  is  passed.  Peters  is  appointed  one  of  the  judges 
for  carrying  it  into  effect.  Concerning  this  office,  he  modestly 
observed  to  his  daughter,  "  When  I  was  called  to  judge  in  wills, 
I  only  went  sometimes  to  learn  and  help  the  poor." 

In  the  early  part  of  this  year,  the  Dutch,  having  their  navy 
almost  destroyed  by  the  fleet  under  Admiral  Blake,  send  embas- 
sadors to  London  for  a  compromise  of  differences.  To  accom- 
plish their  object,  such  agents  apply  for  assistance  to  Peters, 
noted  and  esteemed  in  their  own  country.  They  empower  him 
to  offer  £300,000  for  peace.  His  effort,  cheerfully  and  immedi- 
ately made  in  their  behalf,  was  not  then  successful. 

July  11.  An  intercepted  letter  of  this  date,  for  Holland,  says, 
"  Mr  Peters  prays  and  preaches  for  peace.  Our  last  Thanksgiving 
day,  he  told  them,  that  God  Almighty  had  punished  them  long 
enough  for  their  sins,  especially  for  their  pride,  covetousness,  am- 
bition, discord,  ingratitude  and  unmercifulness  to  the  poor."  Such 
reproofs  fully  indicate  that  the  author  of  them  was  no  time-server, 
even  among  his  best  friends. 

Sept.  26.  A  correspondent  writes  from  Holland  to  England, 
"  Peters,  who  I  believe  is  an  honest  man,  doth  correspond  with 
Mrs.  Grace  Crisp, (^)  concerning  the  State  affairs,  which  letters  are 
communicated  to  ^Ir.  John  Webster,  a  profest  malignant ;  great 
mischief  can  be  done  to  the  Commonwealth."  However  this 
statement  faults  the  abuse  made  of  Peters'  confidence,  it  assigns 
to  him  a  virtue  which  was  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character. 

Nov.  21.  Jongestall,  in  a  communication  to  Frederick,  Count 
de  Nassau,  observes,  "  Mr.  Peters  hath  written  a  letter  to  the 
Queen  of  Sweden,  by  Lord  Whetlocke,  wherein  he  relates  the 
reasons  why  they  put  their  King  to  death  and  dissolved  this  last 
Parliament,  and  withal  sends  her  majesty  a  great  English  dog 
and  a  cheese,  for  a  present."  While  it  is  pleasant  to  know,  that 
the  Queen's  correspondent  was  in  so  high  repute  as  to  be  allowed 
to  send  her  such  information,  it  would  be  more  so,  if  we  could  be 
made  acquainted  with  the  facts  thus  transmitted  to  her. 

Lilly  relates,  that,  having  printed  some  passages  in  his  Angli- 
cus,  to  which  the  Presbyterians  took  exceptions,  he  was  arraigned, 
this  year,  through  their  influence,  before  the  Commons.  Speaking 
of  friends,  who  appeared  manfully  in  his  favor,  he  notes,  "  Hugh 
Peters  spoke  much  in  my  behalf  to  the  Committee." 

1654.  Feb.  18.  The  Alissionary  Corporation  in  London  date  a 
letter  for  the  Commissioners  of  the  Confederate  Colonies.     In  it 

(1)  Probably  some  relative  of  Tobias  Crisp,  D.  D.,  who  died  in  London,  1642. 


46  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

Peters  is  particularized  as  one  of  a  Committee  to  collect  funds  in 
the  army,  to  help  on  the  evangelization  of  the  Indians,  but  as 
somewhat  lukewarm  in  his  feehngs.  Steele,  the  President  and 
writer,  adds,  "  We  have  otherwise  charitable  thoughts  of  Mr. 
Peters."  From  the  declarations,  expanded  views  and  benevolence 
of  the  latter,  he  sincerely  wished,  that  the  natives  here  might  be 
increasingly  evangelized.  Other  causes,  and  not  his  disapproba- 
tion of  the  mission  itself,  must  have  damped  his  usual  ardor  and 
activity  for  such  an  enterprise.  The  fact  is,  that  Eliot  was  dis- 
satisfied, at  this  time,  with  the  salary,  which  the  Commissioners 
here,  as  agents  of  the  Corporation,  paid  him,  and  he  made  it 
known  to  his  friends  in  England.  Such  information  produced 
an  unfavorable  effect  on  the  collection  of  charities  for  a  time.  It 
was,  most  likely,  a  principal  reason  why  Peters  appeared  so  to 
Steele  as  he  did,  and  why  he  thought  it  dutiful  to  proceed  no 
faster  than  could  be  done  in  a  just  direction. 

March  3.  Peters  indites  a  letter  to  Deacon  Gott,  of  Wenham, 
but  of  his  Church,  when  he  left  Salem.  "  Nothing  but  want  of 
health  could  detain  me  from  New  England,  such  is  my  love  to 
the  place,  and  lovely  it  will  yet  be."  He  observes,  that  he  has 
given  his  property  at  Salem,  conditionally,  to  John  Winthrop,  of 
Connecticut.  To  the  last  worthy  man,  sometimes  called  his  son, 
Peters  mentions,  April  30,  such  a  donation,  and  that  he  had  sent 
him  a  loadstone  to  keep,  if  he  never  returned  to  this  country.  He 
observes,  "  Nothing  hath  troubled  me  more,  than  that  you  had  not 
my  company  with  you."  He  closes,  "  My  heart  is  with  my  God, 
and  desire  after  him."  Such  communings  were  pleasant  and 
mournful  to  his  soul. 

20.  According  to  an  act  of  Parliament,  a  Board  are  appoint- 
ed to  license  candidates  for  the  ministry.  They  are  called 
Triers.  Baxter  says  of  them,  "  They  did  a  great  deal  of  good  to 
the  Church ;  saved  many  a  congregation  from  ignorant,  ungodly, 
drunken  teachers ;  and,  in  their  stead,  admitted  of  any  able,  seri- 
ous preachers,  who  lived  godly  lives,  though  of  different  opinions." 
As  one  of  such  Commissioners,  Peters  said,  "  When  I  was  a  Tryer 
of  others,  I  went  to  hear  and  gain  experience  rather  than  to 
judge."  In  this  line.  Brook  cites  Dr.  Walker,  as  at  his  favorite 
diversion  of  endeavoring  to  blacken  the  reputation  of  the  Revo- 
lutionists. The  latter,  after  intimating  that  Peters  was  among 
the  chief  of  the;  Triers,  labored  to  make  out  a  ease  of  simony 
against  him,  from  a  humorous  question,  which  he  put  to  an  ap- 
j)lieant.  "  Mr.  C^hamjilin,  a  clergyman  of  Somersetshire,"  sent 
a  person  to  Peters  for  a  Rectory  in  Kingston  of  that  County.  The 
messenger  having  addressed  him  on  the  subject,  Peters  plliylully 
asked,  "  Hath  thy  friend  any  money?"  From  so  slender  all  evi- 
dence, prejudice  conjured  up  a  grave  accusation,  contradicted  by 
tlie  extraordinary  and  long-established    honesty  of  the  accused. 

May  2.  The  United  I^rovinees  having  sud'ered  another  naval 
defeat  by  the  English,  and  renewed  their  application  to  I'elers, 
as   their  solicitor  of  peace,   he    now   succeeds   in    prevailing    on 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  47 

Cromwell  to  comply  with  their  entreaty.  In  ref(Tence  to  this 
affair,  Stubbs,  in  his  account  of  the  Dutch  war,  had  an  cnj^avcd 
representation  of  the  embassadors  handing  their  petition  to 
Peters. 

July  3.  Anthony  Saddler,  who  applies  to  the  Triers  for  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  ministry,  is  not  approved  by  them.  He  relates, 
"  When  they  rose,  I  followed  Mr.  Nye,  and  asked  him  of  the 
issue  of  my  examination :  he  seemed  to  slight  me,  and  went 
away  without  speaking  any  further  to  me.  1  went  forthwith  to 
Mr  Peters  and  told  him  I  was  sorry,  that  I  was  not  thought 
worthy  of  their  approbation.  He  answered,  that  the  Com- 
missioners had  not  yet  concluded  any  thing,  and  that  it  was 
upon  suspense."  Here  we  have  a  specimen  of  Peters'  natural 
courtesy,  which  he  ever  exercised  towards  those,  who,  amid  the 
trials  of  disappointment,  came  in  contact  with  his  official  duties. 

12.  Roger  Williams  informs  Winthrop  of  Connecticut,  that 
he  had  visited  Peters  at  his  lodgings  in  Whitehall,  which  "  I  was 
told  was  Canterburies,  and  he  himself  told  me,  that  the  Library, 
wherein  we  were  together,  was  Canterburies,  and  given  him  by 
the  Parliament."  He  states,  that  Peters  was  grieved,  that  his 
insane  wife  had  been  excommunicated,  which  must  have  been 
from  the  Salem  Church.  Probably  she  conducted  irrationally 
and  was  dealt  with  as  though  she  had  the  full  use  of  her  reason. 
He  proceeds,  "  His  wife  lives  from  him,  not  wholly,  but  much  dis- 
tracted. He  tells  me,  he  had  had  but  c£200  a  year,  &  he  allowed 
her  £80  per  annum  of  it.  He  told  me,  that  his  affliction  from 
his  wife,  stirred  him  to  action  abroad,  and  when  success  tempted 
him  to  pride,  the  bitterness  of  his  bosom  comforts  was  a  cooler 
and  a  bridle  to  him."  Thus  these  two  men  of  distinguished 
talents  and  learning,  and  much  alike  in  their  temperament,  com- 
muned together  in  the  spirit  of  Christian  sympathy,  though  the 
one  had  been  constrained  by  the  calls  of  his  office,  to  pubhsh  the 
excision  of  the  other  from  his  church. 

Nov.  9.  A  letter  from  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  is  addressed 
"  to  the  Reverend  and  much  honored  Mr.  Hugh  Peters."  They 
apologize  for  their  long  silence.  They  proceed,  "  Yet  such  is  our 
confidence  of  your  zeal  for  God,  your  real  and  cordial  affection  to 
the  cause  of  God  and  the  fiberties  and  welfare  of  his  people  here, 
that  we  are  encouraged,  our  necessities,  at  this  time,  also  compel- 
ling us  to  make  use  of  all  our  friends,  amongst  whom  we  cannot 
but  rank  yourself  amongst  the  chief,  and  are  confident  you  will  not 
suffer  us  to  be  mistaken  therein,  but  that,  in  due  time,  we  shall  see 
Amicus  return."  They  then  mention  the  controversy,  which  they 
had  had  with  the  other  confederates  about  war  with  the  Dutch  of 
New  Netherland.  They  continue,  "  Some  few  among  ourselves 
and  others  of  our  Confederates,  oftended  at  our  peace,  address 
themselves  to  England,  and,  by  what  means,  or  upon  what  pre- 
tence, we  know  not,  prevail  with  his  Highness  to  send  a  fleet  of 
ships  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Sedgwick  to  assist  us  against 
the  Dutch."     They  relate,  that,  peace  having  been  made  between 


48  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

Holland  and  England,  the  Fleet  sailed  against  the  French  of 
Nova  Scotia,  took  their  territory  and  then  applied  to  Massachu- 
setts for  forces  to  secure  the  conquest,  but  the  authorities  thereof 
declined  unless  Ihe  Commissioners  showed  their  warrant  for  sucli 
a  course.  They  subjoin,  "least  our  action  and  answers  should 
be  misrepresented  to  his  Highness,  we  thought  it  our  duty  briefly 
to  present  things  as  they  are,  relating  to  the  French,  as  Ibrmerly 
we  have  done  in  reference  to  the  Dutch.  We  earnestly  entreat 
you  would  be  pleased  so  far  to  tender  the  welfare  of  this  place, 
the  comfort  and  well  being  of  the  people  of  God  here,  his  honour 
and  cause,  to  the  perpetual  good  of  posterity  as  to  your  utmost 
interest  with  his  Highness,  or  any  other  whom  it  may  concern,  as 
opportunity  may  present  or  occasion  require,  for  the  obtaining 
our  just  desires  and  establishing  our  rights  and  privileges  to  us 
and  our  posterity's  forever,  whereby  you  will  do  acceptable  ser- 
vice to  God  and  forever  oblige  your  true  and  faithful  friends  and 
brethren." 

Dec.  13.  A  large  committee  of  ministers  assemble  at  the 
request  and  in  the  presence  of  Cromwell.  Peters  is  numbered 
with  them.  They  meet  to  consider  an  application  of  INIanasseh 
Ben  Israel  in  behalf  of  the  Jewish  nation. 

1656.  April  22.  Peters  writes (i)  to  Lord  Henry  Cromwell  in 
Dublin.  "  My  dear  Lord.  You  may  please  by  these  to  under- 
stand, that  I  am  neither  civilly  nor  naturally  dead,  (as  my  good 
friend  with  you  suggests)  but  most  dangerous  it  is  to  bee  so 
spiritually:  From  my  own  hand,  you  may  have  it,  that  the  scan- 
dalls,  sent  over  to  you  about  myselfe,  are  false,  and,  to  add  more, 
■will  doe  but  Utile  more  good  :  I  am  still  desired  by  some  friends  to 
see  Ireland,  and,  if  strength  increase,  I  trust  I  shall  not  fayle  so  to 
doe,  but  have  been  long  ill  and  lost  very  much  blood,  above  30 
ounces  :  The  Lord  helpe.  For  other  things,  I  must  bee  a  suitor, 
that  Col.  Cooke's  arreares  now  to  bee  layd  in  lands,  may  have  yr 
remembrance  in  helping  on  their  desire,  which  will  bee  very  rea- 
sonable, that  are  concerned  in  it :  I  beseech  yr  Lordshipp  tender 
me  to  preserve  children,  that  are  fatherless  from  want.    As 

also  my  Lord  Deputy  gave  Mr.  Dixon  his  place,  which  he  long 
enjoyed,  and  Sir  John  Temple  kee})ing  him  out  (as  he  com- 
playnes)  a  word  of  yr  Lordshipp  would  also  ease  that,  and  these 
are  all  my  requests  at  present.  And  for  yrselfe,  family  and  all 
yrs  at  yr  house,  my  prayers,  so  these  are  my  counsells  even  such 
as  they  are  viz  :  iirst,  the  kingdom  of  heaven  must  be  sought; 
2]y,  Maynteyne  honnbh;  thoughts  of  (nxl  in  all  his  dealings  : 
31y,  the  feare  of  man  or  any  sorte  of  men  bringe  a  frowne,  and, 
therefore,  not  to  bee  entertayned;  for  surely  you  must  never  think 
to  satisfy  all  partyes  and  all  sortes  of  men:  41y,  dayly  intercourse 
with  (iod  and  token  of  most  temptations;  51y, the  least  de- 

filenicnt  of   conscience  will  cost  hot  water;    G  and  lastly,  the 

(')  Tliis  iuid  sovcnil  other  letters  liuve  been  rec-cntly  eopied  for  the  author,  by  II.  G. 
Soinerby,  Es(i.,  from  the  LiinsdowDc  Mss.,  in  the  liritish  Museum.  A  few  ellipses  in 
them  are  occasionally  .supplied. 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  49 

whole  (duty)  of  man  is  to  fcarc  God  etc.  Eccle.  12.  And  for  Ire- 
land, a  laborious,  constant,  sober  ministry,  and  an  industrious  hand 
among  all  must  be  the  preservation  of  Ireland  with  a  f]^ood  mag- 
istrate to  back  all.     I  love  and  leave  and  am  yr  Lordshipps 

ever  and  ever         H.  P." 

July  5.  Major  General  Ilaynes  informs  Secretary  Thurloe,  that 
he  met  Peters  last  week  at  Cambridge  and  heard  from  him,  that 
Parliament  would  meet  in  September. 

15.  Another  communication  from  Peters  to  Henry  Cromwell, 
in  Dublin,  follows.  "  My  Lord,  I  must  bee  scribling  to  you, 
though  you  have  given  mee  yr  word  long:  Alas!  you  need  not 
fear  when  you  are  so  beloved  and  honoured  :  but  I  leave  you  to 
yr  liberty.  Sir  John  coming  tomorrow  to  you,  will  say  all.  The 
French  are  beaten  sadly,  the  K:  of  Swed:  not  so  etc.  These  bare 
witnesse  the  world  is  shaking.  To  you  I  say,  kecpe  where  God 
hath  placed  you,  with  expectation,  humility  and  quietness.  Love 
the  truth  and  peace,  bee  open  and  playne  (as  you  are)  in  all  yr 
works,  turne  your  heart  outward  for  God  and  godlyness  and  fear 
nothing.  I  think  you  are  in  yr  place  and  worke:  believe  mee,  the 
world  is  shaking.  God  keep  us  steadfast.  I  was  at  Cambridge 
commencement  where  you  are  etc.  Let  me  have  a  word.  I 
can  be  secret.     If  not,  I  can  and  must  be  still.  Yr.      H.  P. 

Your  brother  hath  a  son  :  Salute  yr  Ladye(^)  and  all  with  you, 
yr  Secretary  etc.     I  ca«  write  no  more  yet." 

1657.  Feb.  24.  Another  epistle(2)  is  dated  to  pass  in  the  same 
direction  between  these  correspondents.  "  My  Lord.  These  are 
to  returne  you  my  hearty  acknowledgments  of  your  care  of 
young  Mr  Weld  and  men  of  his  constitution.  I  hope  your  Lord- 
shipp  shall  have  no  cause  to  repent  you  of  any  requests,  made  by 
mee  and  answered  by  you,  for  truly  therein  I  shall  be  tender, 
because  I  tender  you  as  my  owne  heart,  and  doe  often  please 
myselfe  with  my  thoughts  about  you  and  the  presence  of  the 
Lord  with  you  in  yr  worke.  How  well  doe  matters  goe  on,  when 
wee  measure  them  by  the  other  world,  where  Eternity  dwells,  and 
where  our  works  must  be  weighed  over  agayne.  The  blood  of 
Christ,  mingled  with  them,  will  give  them  their  true  alloy.  Oh 
(my  Lord)  labor  after  that  meate,  which  will  never  perish,  that 
ioy  where  no  mixtures  have  accesse.  You  have  knowne,  in  yr 
few  dayes,  much  vanity  wTitten  upon  most  creatures,  and  you 
may  see  an  end  of  all  perfections,  but  the  Law  is  exceeding 
broad.  Go  on  and  prosper  in  the  name  and  power  of  the  Lord. 
You  heare  by  others,  how  it  is  here.  I  am  very  much  taken  off 
by  age  and  other  wayes  from  busy  business  and  would  fayne  see 
Jesus.     None  can  more  love  you,  I  think,  than  yr  Lordshipps 

H.  P." 

April  13.  William  Hooke  relates  to  Winthrop  of  Connecticut, 
"  Mr  Peters  is  not  yet  recovered  out  of  his  late  eclipse,  but  I  hear 
better  of  his  preaching  than  was  formerly  spoken  of  it."     This 

(1)  She  was  a  daughter  of  Sir  Francis  Russell,  of  Chippenham,  in  Cambridgeshire. 

(2)  Though  this  has  no  year  yet  it  seems  to  be  of  1657. 


60  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

passage  appears  to  indicate  that  some  mental  darkness,  more 
than  common,  had  come  over  Peters.  The  derangement  of  his 
wife,  which  greatly  alllicted  him,  had  such  a  tendency,  especially  in 
connection  with  his  own  nervous  temperament.  On  this  matter, 
he  wrote  to  the  same  correspondent,  addressed  by  the  words  just 
quoted,  in  1654,  "  my  old  malady,  the  spleen  ;  that  now  I  give 
my  life  gone  and  shall  outlive  my  parts,  I  fear."  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  admonition,  that  no  earthly  allurements  should  turn 
the  heart  of  faith  from  immortal  perfection,  the  habitual  spirit  of 
Peters  led  him  to  receive  it  in  submission  and  follow  its  guidance. 

May  8.  As  having  had  a  principal  hand  in  helping  along  the 
nation  to  its  present  attitude,  Peters  feels  a  deep  interest  in  the 
solution  of  the  question  by  Cromwell,  whether  he  will  be  a  King 
or  Protector,  and  in  his  decision  to  assume  the  last  title.  The  col- 
lision of  political  parties,  which  gave  rise  to  such  problems,  was 
enough  to  fill  the  breasts  of  Peters  and  all  others,  who  had  borne 
the  burden  and  heat  of  the  day  for  the  public  weal,  with  anxious 
forebodings  as  to  the  future. 

June  13.  The  pen  of  Peters  again  runs  with  a  free  heart,  to 
the  son  of  the  Protector.  "  My  Lord.  These  are  to  second  also 
the  letters  of  my  Lord  Deputy  in  the  behalfe  of  Mr  Dell's  kins- 
man, that  hee  may  gayne  some  preferment  there.  Indeed,  in 
.such  things,  you  may  doe  old  friends  curtesyes.  For  other  things, 
I  am  only  to  write  my  constant  encouragement  to  yr  Lordshipp 
in  the  wayes  and  things  of  God,  and  for  the  good  of  that  poor  na- 
tion. I  trust  yet  here  wee  shall  goe  beyond  the  feare  of  good  men, 
and  the  hopes  of  bad.  Yr  brother  Sr  John  Reynolds  wee  expect 
back  from  France,  where  as  yet  there  is  nothing  done  of  note. 
The  k:  of  Swed:  prospers  and  who  can  tell  but  that  the  Pope  is 
upon  a  dismall  shake  at  this  tyme.  Judge  Cooke  is  now  with 
me,  and  presents  his  service  unto  yr  Lordshipp,  and  so  doth  Yr 
Lordshipps  H.  P." 

Aug.  14.  Similar  breathings  of  genuine  philanthropy  give  life 
to  the  subsequent  communication.  "  My  noble  Lord.  These  are 
only  to  accompany  the  bearer  Mr  Snelling  to  yr  Lordship}),  an 
honest  man  and  of  singular  parts  in  severall  kinds.  Indeed  it  is 
rare  to  meet  with  such  an  one  every  way,  for  turning  in  ivory,  it 
is  strange,  Chimistry,  Accounts,  iayre  writing.  He  hath  right  to 
some  land  l^y  his  brothers  death,  Maior  Snelling,  ITjOO  akers  etc. 
Yr  Lordshipj)s  favor  may  doe  him  much  good.  Hee  means  to 
settle  there.  If  hee  could  have  a  little  helpe,  he  can  serve  many 
wayes  in  yr  family.  At  the  worst,  \\v.  begs  to  ride  in  yr  troope 
and  hath  a  horse  with  him  :  1  hnml)ly  l)eg  yt  your  eye  may  bee 
cast  upon  him,  'who  may  hee  very  usefnll.  I  crave  pardon  for 
this  continued  boldness,  and  with  my  hartyest  wishes  and  long- 
ings for  the  \r\\i\  good  of  yr  Lordshi[)p,  the  good  liady,  and  all 
yrs,  am  yr  L^xcellencyes  II.  P." 

1658.  Jan.  12.  "  The  Protector  resolved  to  have  a  collection  for 
the  poor  persc^cuted  Protestants  of  Piedmont."  This  was  touch- 
ing a  chord  of  sympathetic  obligation,  which  ever  found  a  ready 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  61 

and  deep-toned  response  from  the  inmost  soul  of  Peters.  Like 
electric  pulsations,  it  met  with  instant  and  full-formed  tallies  upon 
his  heart,  which  led  him  to  energetic  choice  and  action.  Of  the 
large  sum  contributed  in  generous  old  England  for  so  noble  a 
charity,  he  was  an  earnest  and  successful  solicitor. 

July  11-  Two  communications,  one  of  this  and  another  of  the 
next  date,  from  Col.  William  Lockhart,  in  Dunkirk,  to  vSecretary 
Thurloe,  furnish  several  extracts.  "  Mr  Peters  is  arryved  and  hath 
acquainted  me  with  some  things,  that  he  sayth  your  Lordshipp 
hath  been  fully  acquainted  with;  to  the  carrying  on  of  which  I 
shall  surely  contribute  my  share  ;  and  shall  pray  that  his  propos- 
als may  prosper  and  be  acceptable  to  all  good  men."  18.  "  I 
could  not  sutler  our  worthy  friend,  Mr  Peters,  to  come  away  from 
Dunkerke  without  a  testimony  of  the  greatt  benefitts  we  have  all 
received  from  him  in  this  place,  wher  he  hath  laid  himself  forth 
in  great  charity  and  goodnesse,  in  sermons,  prayers  and  exhorta- 
tions, in  visiting  and  relieving  the  sick  and  wounded ;  and  in  all 
these  profitably  applying  the  singular  talent  God  hath  bestowed 
upon  him  to  the  two  chief  ends  propper  for  our  auditory;  for  he 
hath  not  only  shewen  the  soldiers  their  duty  to  God  and  prest  it 
home  upon  them,  I  hope  to  good  advantage,  but  hath  lykewyse 
acquainted  them  with  their  obligations  of  obedience  to  his  High- 
ness government  and  affection  to  his  persone."  Thus  we  have  a  fair 
relation  of  the  faithfulness  with  which  Peters  still  continued  to 
exercise  his  uncommon  talents  as  a  preacher,  who  held,  that  the 
chief  strength  of  the  kingdom  was  based  on  civil  and  religious 
obedience.  The  same  officer  continues.  "  It  were  superfluous  to 
tell  your  Lordshipp  the  story  of  our  present  condition,  either  as  to 
the  civill  government,  works  or  soldiery.  He  (Peters)  who  hath 
studdied  all  these  more  than  any  I  know  heare,  can  certainly  give 
the  best  account  of  them.  Wherefore  I  comitt  the  whole  to  his 
information,  and  begge  your  Lordshipps  casting  a  favourable  eie 
upon  such  propositions,  as  he  will  offer  to  your  Lordshipp  for  the 
good  of  this  garrison."  He  adds  that  Peters  had  visited  Berg  and 
had  three  or  four  conversations  with  Cardinal  Mazarine. 

Sept.  3.  Cromwell  is  summoned  by  death,  from  the  perils  and 
anxieties  of  his  exalted  station.  At  the  commital  of  what  were 
supposed  his  mortal  remains  (but  which,  some  authors  say,  had 
a  secret  burial)  to  the  tomb,  amid  the  ceremonies  of  State,  Peters, 
as  among  the  Chaplains  of  Whitehall,  joins  in  the  funeral  pro- 
cession. Thus,  as  it  was  thought,  did  he  help  to  lay  in  the  dust 
what  he  had  greatly  assisted  in  raising  to  the  pinnacle  of  earthly 
glory.  His  experience  in  this  and  many  other  instances  of  human 
greatness,  which  had  gone  down  from  high  places  to  the  narrow 
lodgements  of  earth,  under  his  watchful  eye,  as  it  noted  the 
changes  of  ever-progressive  time, — could  verily  affirm,  that  such  a 
possession  had  always  given  far  more  promise  than  reality  of 
excellence. 

Oct.  12.  The  Assembly  of  Savoy,  in  London,  begin  their  ses- 
sion. Peters  is  among  their  members.  As  they  adopted  the  con- 
8 


59  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

fession  of  faith,  owned  by  the  Salem  Church  in  1629,  it  is  very 
likely,  from  his  having  been  pastor  of  this  body  and  from  his  pre- 
vious activity  on  such  occasions,  that  he  had  a  prominent  con- 
cern in  recommending  the  document  to  them. 

26.  As  the  shadow  of  his  age  lengthens  in  the  light  of  time, 
and  the  attractions  to  earth  i'ail  from  his  grasp,  Peters  again 
addresses  the  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland.  "  Upon  the  death  of 
yr  father  I  wrote  and  know  not  whither  my  despicable  lines  touched 
yr  hands.  And  yet  such  hath  bin  my  constancy  to  your  Lord- 
shipp,  that  neither  fawning  nor  frowning  has  taken  place  with 
me  to  make  me  fearfull  or  careless  in  reference  to  yr  selfe  or  yr 
affayres  ;  but  I  cannot  bee  a  courtier  (as  they  say.)  You  had  long 
since  my  thoughts  in  writing,  nor  am  I  doubtfull  of  the  good 
effect  they  tooke,  and  I  wish  the  Lord  would  please  to  keepe  you 
every  way  to  his  praise  in  Christ.  Yr  Lordshipps  worke  in  yr 
owne  salvation  for  ever,  and  the  serving  the  Lords  interests  whilst 
you  are  here.  Yr  last  Synod  there  of  ministers  hath  not  a  little 
affected  and  afflicted  us  here.  Doubtless  the  World  is  one  thing 
and  the  Church  another :  If  their  destruction  bee  slighted,  fare  well 
God  and  goodness :  I  am  not  so  uneivill  to  ask  an  account  of  yr 
Highness.  Alas !  what  am  I  ?  But  if  I  love  you,  then  I  must  doe. 
Flatterers  never  loved  you.  Friends  doe,  that  are  playne.  I  wish 
you  never  hear  unam  partem  only.  See  who  are  about  you.  Nosci- 
tur  e  socio  etc.  Servants  and  companions  tell  any  man's  constitu- 
tion. I  give  you  a  hynt  of  yr  worth.  Yr  father  dyed  as  he  lived, 
an  Independent.  Presbytery  and  Independency  are  all  the  con- 
sistency in  religion.    I  am  yr  Lordshipps  H.  P. 

I  feare  yr  horrid  excise  will  shake  yr  Country." 

1659.  April  22.  Richard  Cromwell  is  compelled  by  factions  to 
dissolve  Parliament.  In  reference  to  this  event,  which  Peters 
dreaded  as  the  extinguishment  of  his  ardent  hopes  for  the  contin- 
uance of  free  institutions,  he  observed,  "  I  staid  so  long  at  White- 
hall, contented  with  any  good  government,  that  would  keep 
things,  till  the  breach  of  what  they  call  Richard's  Parliament, 
and  then  I  removed,  and  never  returned  more,*  but  fell  sick  long 
and  in  trouble  ever  since."  No  wonder  that  his  soul  was  pained 
and  discouragement  oppressed  his  spirits,  in  perceiving  the  Com- 
monwealth, for  whose  trials  he  had  wept  and  prayed,  and  to 
whose  existence  he  had  largely  contributed  by  his  toils,  perils  and 
sufferings, — about  to  be  crushed  by  accumulated  contention  of 
parties,  whose  vitiated  taste  loathed  the  manna  of  freedom  and 
longed  for  the  leeks  and  onions  of  bondage. 

1660.  Jan.  29.  General  Monk  being  expect("d  in  London  from 
Scotland,  with  his  army,  Peters  is  designated  by  the  Republican 
Parliament,  on  the  eve  of  dissolution,  to  deliver  a  discourse 
before  him  at  St.  Alban's.     His  text  was  from  107  Psalm,  7  vs. 

{*)  In  a  Cutalop^uc  of  the  British  Mnsouin  arc  thi' suhsc(iiieiit  cntrios.  "Peter's 
Paterii,  or  the  i)er<'ect  j)ath  to  worldly  linppiiiess,  in  a  runernl  sernjon,  preaehed  at  his 
intcrnu'iit,  hy  J.  C.  4to.  London,  IdfjU.  Peter's  resnrreeti«)n  ;  hy  way  of  l)iaIoj;nc  be- 
tween him  and  a  Merchant;  occasioned  upon  the  publishing  a  pretended  sermon  ut 
his  funeral.    4to.    1659" 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Pe(er8.  53 

*'  We  led  tliem  forth  by  the  right  way,  that  they  might  go  to  a 
city  of  habitation."  He  reviewed  the  wars  of  the  Common- 
wealth, its  seasons  of  peace,  its  recent  difficulties  and  its  hopes  of 
deliverance,  lie  remarked,  that,  however  the  people  of  God  had 
"  not  yet  come  to  a  city  of  habitation,  he  was  still  leading  them 
on  the  right  way,  how  dark  soever  his  dispensations  might  appear 
to  men."  It  is  plain,  that  his  former  elasticity  of  emotion,  when 
dilating  on  public  affairs,  had  become  much  depressed,  though  he 
still  trusted  that  the  Omnipotent  arm  would  provide  a  dwelling 
of  rest  for  all,  who  followed  its  guidance. 

Feb.  6.  A  report,  though  incorrect,  having  reached  New  Eng- 
land, that  Peters  had  closed  his  eventful  career,  Roger  Williams 
thus  addressed  Winthrop,  of  Connecticut;  "Sir,  you  were  not 
long  since  the  son  of  two  noble  fathers,  Mr  John  Winthrop  and 
Mr  H.  Peters.  It  is  said,  they  are  both  extinguished.  Surely,  I 
did  ever,  from  my  soul,  honour  and  love  them,  even  when  their 
judgments  led  them  to  afflict  me."  Such  direct  testimony  of 
one,  who  had  been  long  and  particularly  acquainted  with  Peters, 
should  weigh  more,  than  all  the  disparaging  representations  of  his 
character  by  the  mouths  and  pens  of  political  foes.  The  afflic- 
tion, spoken  of  in  this  connection,  as  occasioned  by  Winthrop 
and  Peters,  was,  as  these  sincerely  believed,  the  result  of  their 
official  duty  to  execute  laws,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  though 
the  sufferer  and  his  advocates  thought  very  differently. 

Looking  back  on  his  diversified  course,  on  the  desertion  of 
many,  who  were  once  gladdened  with  his  smile,  on  the  prostra- 
tion of  his  hopes  for  the  temporal  and  spiritual  progress  of  his 
countrymen,  Peters  gives  utterance  to  the  sober  thoughts  of  his 
soul.  Of  such  expressions  are  these,  "  I  am  heartily  sorry,  that  I 
was  popular;  better  known  to  others,  than  to  myself."  Aware 
that  the  wide  influence,  which  he  had  long  been  invited  to  exert 
in  public  affairs,  was  fast  waning  with  the  several  interests  con- 
nected with  them,  and  which  had  left  him  less  opportunity  to 
study  and  regulate  his  own  motives,  affections  and  actions,  than 
would  have  been  for  his  benefit,  he  ingenuously  confesses  the 
sentiment  just  related,  which  truthful  reflection,  so  circumstanced, 
must  always  do.  He  continues,  "  It  hath  much  lain  to  my  heart 
above  any  thing  almost,  that  I  left  that  people  I  was  engaged  to  in 
New  England.  Though  1  never  took  ecclesiastical  promotion," 
I  was  "  not  without  offers  and  great  ones.  Nor  do  I  take  pleas- 
ure in  remembering  any  my  least  activity  in  State  matters, 
though  this  I  can  say,  I  no  where  minded  who  ruled,  fewer  or 
more,  so  the  good  ends  of  Government  be  given  out,  in  which 
men  may  live  in  godliness  and  honesty."  This  comparative  view 
of  what  might  have  been  his  continuance  as  the  laborious  pastor 
of  a  parish  in  this  country,  and  what  were  his  actual  relations  to 
the  Church  and  Commonwealth  of  his  native  land,  in  which  he 
deliberated,  counselled  and  strove  far  more  for  national  welfare 
than  for  his  own,  though  he  had  eminent  opportunities  to  have 
obtained  the  latter,  he  appears  to  regret,  as  results  were,  that  he 


54  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

ever  rocrossed^the  Atlantic  to  engage  in  the  struggles  and  dangers 
of  Revolution.  Similar  acknowledgements  every  life  of  three- 
score years  is  constrained  to  make,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  ac- 
cording to  its  pursuits.  None  who  have  reached  such  an  age,  are 
so  perfect,  that  they  can  truly  assert,  we  have  committed  no  mis- 
takes either  in  judgment  or  action,  which  we  would  rectify,  were 
it  divinely  put  in  our  power. 

April.  The  Republic  having  been  despaired  of,  and  the  tables 
turned  so  as  to  favor  royalty,  the  tried  friends  of  the  late  adminis- 
tration are  liable  to  be  called  in  question  for  the  part  they  had 
acted.  Among  them  Peters  is  summoned  before  the  Council  of 
State  to  give  an  account  of  Bishop  Laud's  books.  He  craves 
leave  to  do  it  by  writing,  because  confined,  by  sickness,  to  his 
private  lodgings.  His  request  is  granted.  Painful  to  his  soul  is 
the  contrast  between  being  welcomed  and  urged  by  statesmen  in 
session,  to  recount  the  triumphs  of  their  forces  and  being  arraign- 
ed by  such  of  opposite  principles,  as  charged  wdth  misdemeanor. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  he  relates,  that  his  "  estate  was 
gone ;"  that  he  was  in  debt,  and  resolved  to  spend  the  rest  of  his 
days  either  in  Old  or  New  England,  "looking  into  the  grave  and 
eternity."  Thus  coming  to  the  conclusion,  to  which  every  true 
Christian  does,  who  has  tried  life  in  all  its  phases  of  smiles  and 
frowns,  that  it  is  wiser  and  better  to  make  greater  preparation  for 
the  future  world,  than  the  present,  Peters  cherishes  the  hope,  that 
he  shall  not  be  numbered  among  the  victims,  singled  out  to  expi- 
ate for  the  offences  of  the  Commonwealth  against  the  Throne.  His 
words  are,  "  I  thought  the  act  of  indemnity  would  have  included 
me,  but  the  hard  character  upon  me,  excluded  me,  which  I  was 
so  sensible  of,  that  nature  (in  its  preservation)  carried  me  to  pri- 
vacy, but  free  from  that  report  of  the  manner,  which  is  suggested, 
of  which  you  may  be  assured."  Here  he  refers  to  the  story,  cir- 
culated by  his  opponents,  that  he  secreted  himself  in  one  place 
and  another,  until  he  was  apprehended  in  South wark. 

July.  News  of  this  date  subsequently  reached  John  Davenport, 
and  he  sent  it,  Oct.  17,  to  Winthrop  of  Connecticut,  "that 
those(i)  who  were  of  the  High  Court  of  Justice,  and  condemni^d 
the  former  King,  their  estates  are  confiscated,  20  of  them  impris- 
oned, three  of  them  like  to  die,  viz.  Jones,  Harrison  and  Say  (-) 
(if  I  do  not  misread)  and  that  Dr.  Goodwin,  Mr  Nie  and  Mr 
Peters  are  imprisoned,  likely  to  loose  their  lives."  Though  this 
report  did  not  prove  correct,  in  all  its  particulars,  still  it  did  for 
the  most  part.  Such  was  one  fearful  result  of  the  (hnvnfall  of 
the  Republic,  for  this  class  of  men,  who  had  hazarded  all  lor  its 
support  and  continuance.  No  doubt  that  Peters  and  othcTs  prom- 
inently engaged,  as  he  had  been  for  greater  freedom  than  can 
consist  with  monarchy,  feared,  at  times,  that,  according  to  the 
general  experience  of  like  changes,  if  Charles  H.  should  be  re- 

(1)  Part  of  these  judges  in  custody  of  the  Ser<;eiuit  at  Arms,  are  ordered,  Aug.  25, 
1660,  to  be  delivered  up  by  liim  to  tlie  Lieutenant  of  tlie  Tower. 

(  )  T^is  nobleman  had  promoted  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  which  obtaiiied  him 
the  office  of  Lord  Privy  Seal. 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

stored  to  the  throne  of  his  father,  they  would  be  in  peril  of  being 
tried  and  condemned  as  traitors. 

While  Peters  was  confined  to  the  Tower,  his  Majesty  sent  a 
warrant  to  the  Lieutenant  for  obtaining  information  of  him  about 
the  royal  library.  The  prisoner  declared,  that,  in  164(S,  he  pre- 
served it  in  St.  James's,  from  the  encroachment  of  soldiers ;  that 
it  was  in  his  custody  three  or  four  months ;  that  he  left  it  neither 
diminished  nor  injured,  and  delivered  the  key  of  it  to  General 
Ireton. 

In  the  same  fortress,  where  multitudes  charged  with  State 
offences,  had  been  incarcerated,  he  composed  "  A  Dying  Father's 
Last  Legacy  to  an  Only  Child."  He  sent  it  to  his  daughter  a 
short  time  before  his  death.  This  parental  memento  abounds  with 
good  sense,  sound  religion  and  beneficial  counsel.  The  writers  of 
the  preface  supply  us  with  an  extract  or  two.  "  Be  not  discour- 
aged from  reading  this  small  treatise,  because  of  the  unhappy 
end  of  a  wearisome  pilgrimage,  which  the  author  met  with  in 
this  world.  If  we  get  a  fall  in  a  journey,  or  meet  with  a  great 
shower  of  rain,  so  it  be  in  the  close  of  the  day,  when  we  are  near 
our  Inn,  where  we  meet  with  accommodation  and  refreshment, 
we  are  the  less  troubled.  You  will  find  in  this  Legacy,  that  he 
had  a  root  of  grace,  and  that  the  fountain  was  clear,  from  which 
ran  so  savoury  a  stream ;  and  that  at  the  last  when  he  had  no 
hope  to  save  a  frail  body,  yet  he  minded  his  ow^n  and  others  souls; 
and  that  he  w^as  a  Master  Workman  in  that  mystery,  wherein  he 
had  labored  successfully  so  many  years ;  and  we  hope,  that  not- 
withstanding the  prejudice  of  some  against  him,  and  the  words 
of  others,  and  his  sad  catastrophe,  we  may  charitably  judge  that 
God  hath  wiped  away  all  tears  from  his  eyes,  that  he  is  entered 
into  rest,  his  works  following  him,  and  that  he  is  made  perfect  by 
his  great  sufferings."  Addressing  his  daughter  relative  to  the 
falsity  of  such  as  were  friends  to  him  in  his  prosperity,  but  were 
now  his  foes,  Peters  observed,  "  how  manie  sad  experiences  can  I 
witness  to  of  this  kind,  yea,  in  these  times  and  changes.  Fair 
dove-coats  have  most  pigeons.     Lost  estates  know  no  friends." 

Oct.  10.  As  the  time  of  trial  for  those  charged  as  regicides,  draws 
nigh,  Peters  and  others  of  them  are  conveyed  in  several  coaches,  from 
the  Tower,  under  a  strong  guard  of  horse  and  foot,  to  Newgate. 
While  those  of  his  friends  who  well  knew  him,  deeply  felt  for  his 
adversity  and  advocated  his  integrity,  his  prosecutors,  who  joined 
the  hue  and  cry  against  the  chief  supporters  of  the  late  Common- 
wealth, brought  him  to  trial  on  the  18th  of  October.  The  Tri- 
bunal, before  whom  he  was  arraigned,  could  not,  in  conse- 
quence of  their  political  feelings  and  professions,  treat  his  case 
with  impartiality.  They  believed,  that  the  extreme  penalty  of 
the  law  was  none  too  severe  for  any  one,  who  had  dared  speak 
and  act  so  as  to  procure  the  overthrow  of  monarchy,  though  sub- 
versive of  popular  rights.  However  they  might  not  verbally 
allow,  yet  they  cherished  the  sentiment,  expressed  by  the  Coun- 
sellors of  Cambyses,  "  Though  there  be  a  written  law,  the  Per- 


56  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

sian  Kings  may  do  what  they  please."  Of  course,  they  had  no 
sympathy  with  the  republican  position,  that  justice  required  satis- 
faction of  the  Sovereign,  who  trampled  the  national  Constitution 
under  feet,  as  well  as  of  his  subjects,  guilty  of  a  similar  crime. 
"While  this  was  true  of  the  Court,  it  was  essentially  so  of  the 
jury  and  the  accusers.  These  partook  of  the  prevalent  prejudice 
against  the  Revolutionists,  of  whom  Peters  was  represented  to 
them  as  among  the  chief.  Thus  situated,  he  had  little  to  hope  for 
from  the  hands  of  those,  who  held  his  life  at  their  disposal.  What 
he  regarded  as  justifiable  in  the  question  before  them,  they  ac- 
counted as  condemnable. 

Sir  Edward  Turner  said  to  the  jury,  "  You  have  heard,  that  the 
substantial  part  of  the  charge  is  compassing  and  imagining  the 
death  of  the  King,  and  all  the  rest  will  be  but  evidence  to  prove 
that  imagination  against  the  prisoner  at  the  bar,  whom  we  will 
prove  to  be  a  principal  actor  in  this  sad  tragedy,  and  next  to  him, 
whom  God  hath  taken  away  and  reserved  to  his  own  judgment." 
Thus  Peters  is  presented  as  second  only  to  Oliver  Cromwell  in 
causing  the  death  of  Charles. 

In  this  critical  emergency  sad  emotions  crowded  the  heart  of 
Peters.  The  acquaintances,  who  would  have  sustained  and 
heartily  pleaded  his  cause,  were  either  driven  away  by  the  terrors 
of  the  Restoration  or  confined  within  the  walls  of  a  prison.  He 
had  none  to  appear  in  his  behalf,  to  thread  out  the  intricacies  of 
evidence,  given  from  memory  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  eleven 
years,  and  under  the  greatest  temptations  to  swerve  from  what- 
ever should  favor  him  ;  to  sift  the  chaff  from  the  wheat  in  testi- 
mony so  liable  to  be  inaccurate,  and  represent  his  motives,  words 
and  acts  in  a  false  light,  and  to  lay  his  case  before  the  jury  with 
the  impressiveness  of  fact  and  eloquence.  Under  such  appalling 
circumstances  Peters  stood  before  his  accusers. 

Young,  previously  referred  to,  was  the  first  to  depose.  Many  of 
the  items,  which  he  narrated,  appear  to  be  true,  because  consist- 
ent with  the  cause  of  freedom,  to  which  the  accused  was  devoted. 
But  as  to  those,  which  bore  on  his  advising  and  acting  for  the 
King's  execution,  he  remarked,  "  I  was  in  sickness  then.  Those 
that  have  known  me,  do  know  likewise  1  have  much  weakness 
in  my  head  when  I  am  sick,  and  to  take  words,  that  are  spoken 
in  a  sick  condition,  he  ought  not  to  do  it.  For  the  words  them- 
selves, I  do  here  profess  against  them,  for  the  generality  of  them. 
It  is  marvellous.  Here  I  profess  the  things  untruths."  Such  lan- 
guage accords  with  what  has  been  already  adduced  on  this  point. 

Another  asserted,  that  he  saw  Peters  at  the  Star,  in  Coleman 
Street,  in  consultation  with  Cromwell  and  others  about  "  Charles 
Stuart,"  then  a  prisoner.  He  added,  "  I  guessed  it  to  be  some- 
thing drawn  up  against  the  King.  I  perceived,  that  Mr  Peters 
was  privie  to  it  and  pleasant  in  the  company,"  and  "wore  a  great 
sword."  Peters  replied,  "  I  was  never  there  but  once.  I  never 
wore  a  great  sword  in  my  life." 

Walkeley  declared,  "  I  heard    him  in  Westminster  Hall  say, 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  57 

within  a  year  or  two  after  the  army  was  raised,  if  we  can  keep 
lip  our  army  but  seven  years  longer,  we  need  not  care  for  the 
King  and  all  his  posterity." 

Hardwick  stated,  that  when  proclamation  was  made  in  the 
same  place,  for  the  trial  of  his  majesty,  Peters  "  came  out  into 
the  Palace  yard,"  and  observed  to  many  officers  there,  "  All  this 
is  worth  nothing,  unless  you  proclaim  it  in  Cheapside  and  at  the 
old  Exchange."  To  this  Peters  responded,  "  I  cannot  acknowl- 
edge it." 

Holland  Simson  deposed,  that,  while  the  trial  of  Charles  was 
proceeding,  Peters  bade  Col.  Stubbards  "  command  the  soldiers 
to  cry  out,  justice,  justice,  against  the  traitor  at  the  Bar."  To 
this  Peters  rejoined,  "  I  do  believe,  that  he  that  swore  that,  can- 
not say  I  was  there.  I  do  not  know  this  gentleman.  Did  he 
ever  see  me  ?"  The  ^^dtness  answered,  "  Yes,  at  the  Deanery,  in 
consultation  \\dth  Bradshaw  and  you  were  admitted  and  no  man 
else  as  I  know,  unless  Sir  William  Brereton,  who  came  along 
with  you." 

Richardson  testified,  that,  on  the  first  day  of  the  High  Court's 
adjournment,  Peters  commended  the  conduct  of  Bradshaw  and 
Cooke,  and  said,  "  This  is  a  most  glorious  beginning  of  the  work." 
The  prisoner  asked  the  witness  where  abouts  in  the  Court,  he 
saw  him.  The  reply  was  "  in  the  body  of  the  Court."  Peters 
answered,  "  My  Lord,  I  do  not  know,  that  I  ever  was  in  the  body 
of  the  Court." 

Sir  Jeremy  Whitchcot  declared,  that  he  had  heard  Peters 
narrate  the  escape  of  Cromwell,  when  Parliament  purposed  to 
confine  him  in  the  Tower,  as  a  traitor,  and  describe  a  meeting  of 
army  officers  at  which  Peters  "  used  this  expression,  And  there 
we  did  resolve  to  set  aside  the  King."  This  statement  was 
probably  correct.  The  dethronement  of  his  Majesty  was  the  result 
of  necessities,  in  which  the  advocates  for  freedom  were  placed. 
Either  he  must  lose  his  sceptre  or  their  cause  be  lost  and  they 
liable  to  die  on  the  scaffold. 

Clough  affirmed,  that  he  was  present  at  a  council  of  officers, 
pretending  to  be  one  of  them,  and  heard  Peters,  who  was  invited 
to  ask  divine  aid  in  their  deliberations,  "  utter  these  words,  O 
Lord,  what  a  mercy  it  is  to  see  this  great  city  fall  down  before 
us ;  and  what  a  stir  is  there  to  bring  this  great  man  to  tryal,  with- 
out whose  blood  he  will  turn  us  all  into  blood,  if  he  reis^n  acrain." 
Being  asked  if  he  heard  this  statement,  Peters  replied,  "  Some 
part  I  did,  but  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  bear  down  many  wit- 
nesses; indeed,  my  Lord,  I  say  this,  they  are  marvellously  unchar- 
itable, and  speak  many  false  things." 

Then  several  other  witnesses  were  called,  who  professed  to 
have  heard  Peters  preach  his  sermons  in  Dec.  1648,  and  Jan. 
1649,  previously  mentioned,  and  who  represented  them  as  urging 
the  necessity  of  the  King's  execution.  With  regard  to  the  first 
discourse  at  St.  Margaret's  and  his  being  accused  of  comparing 
Charles  to  Barabbas,  who  ought  not  to  be  freed,  Peters  said,  "  I 


58  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

must  profess  against  most  of  that."  Relative  to  the  description, 
given  of  what  he  delivered  at  Whitehall,  from  149  Psalm,  he 
affirmed,  "  It  is  false."  Similar  charges  were  made  against  him 
for  preaching  this  sermon,  the  day  after  his  majesty's  sentence 
was  passed. 

Another  individual  deposed,  that  he  saw  Peters  on  the  scaf- 
fold, an  hour  before  the  royal  prisoner  was  brought  thither,  and 
strongly  intimated  that  he  was  of  the  two  in  disguise,  one  of 
whom  was  the  executioner.  But  this  accusation,  we  have  already 
seen,  was  not  true. 

When  the  testimonies  were  all  given  in,  Peters  had  leave  to 
speak  for  himself  He  took  a  brief  survey  of  his  course  since  he 
left  New  England.  A  few  extracts  follow.  "  When  I  came  into 
the  nations,  I  looked  after  three  things.  One  was,  that  there 
might  be  sound  religion  ;  the  second,  that  learning  and  laws 
might  be  maintained ;  the  third,  that  the  poor  might  be  cared  for. 
.  I  must  confess,  I  have  spent  most  of  my  time  in  these  things,  to 
this  end  and  purpose.  After  I  had  seen  the  state  of  England,  in 
some  measure  I  did  stir;  the  ministers  of  London  deeper  than  I. 
I  had  neither  malice  nor  mischief  in  my  heart  against  the  King. 
I  do  not  deny  but  that  I  was  active,  but  not  to  stir  in  any  way 
that  was  not  honorable.  I  had  so  much  respect  for  his  Majesty, 
particularly  at  Windsor,  that  I  propounded  my  thoughts  three 
ways  to  preserve  himself  from  danger,  which  were  good,  as  he 
was  pleased  to  think,  though  they  did  not  succeed."  He  regretted 
whatever  in  his  conduct,  relative  to  the  executed  monarch,  ap- 
peared to  be  incorrect.  It  would  have  been  surprising  had  he 
recollected  nothing  to  render  him  sad,  in  his  many  remarks  and 
actions,  amid  false  confidants,  who  pried  into  his  private  thoughts 
in  order  to  expose  them,  if  an  opportunity  presented  to  advance 
their  selfish  interests,  and  most  exciting  circumstances,  which  had 
immediate  reference  to  the  Sovereign,  whose  policy  he  conscien- 
tiously believed  was  subversive  of  true  English  liberty.  As  to 
this  subject,  his  language  was,  "  I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  of  my 
carriage  towards  the  King.  It  is  my  great  trouble.  I  beg  pardon 
for  my  folly  and  weakness.  I  thought  God  had  a  great  contro- 
versy with  the  Nation.  That  which  some  people  took  to,  I  did 
take  unto.  I  went  into  the  army.  I  saw  at  the  beginning,  that 
corruptions  grew  among  them.  I  suppose  none  can  say  I  have 
gone  aside  from  any  orthodox  truth  of  the  Lord."  Such  an 
apology  may  seem  to  some,  as  an  indication  of  his  conscious- 
ness, that  the  course  he  had  pursu(^d  in  behalf  of  ])olitical  rights, 
was  wrong.  No.  He  (evidently  did  not  mean  1o  throw  up  his 
long  cherished  ))rincipl(^s.  lie  still  believed,  that  his  more 
than  ordinary  compliant;  with  them,  though  accompanied  with 
human  infirmities,  and  execrated  by  advocates  for  the  Crown, 
had  the  sanction  of  the  highest  authority.  Others,  in  whose 
integrity  we  have  great  eonlidenee,  have  made*  similar  concessions 
in  the  hour  of  their  dejection.  Wise  and  his  compatriots  of  Ips- 
wich and  other  towns,  who  resisted  the  usurped  power  of  Andros, 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  59 

in  1687,  did  so  to  moderate  his  severity  towards  them.  Though 
every  man  should  adhere  to  the  truth,  he  is  not  ealled  either  by 
wisdom  or  ohhgatioii,  to  provoke  tlie  irresistil^Ie  storm. 

Being  told,  that  if  he  had  anytiiiiig  more  to  say  in  his  own 
behalf,  he  might  do  it,  or  else  the  jury  would  rise  and  make  out 
their  verdict,  Peters  replied,  "  My  Lord,  if  I  had  time  and  oppor- 
tunity, I  could  take  off  many  of  the  witnesses,  but  because  their 
testimony  is  without  controul,  I  cannot  satisfy  myself.  I  have  no 
skill  in  the  law.  I  do  not  know  what  to  say  more,  unless  I  had 
more  time  and  counsel."  The  Solicitor  then,  with  all  the  bitter- 
ness of  a  royalist,  who  had  no  compassion  or  charity  lor  one  that 
had  taken  part  in  the  revolution,  states  the  evidence  presented. 
Among  his  expressions  was  the  following.  "  What  man  could 
more  contrive  the  death  of  the  King,  than  this  miserable  Priest 
has  done  ?  The  death  of  this  man  will  preach  better  than  his  life 
did."  Thus  this  professed  functionary  of  justice  treated  the  fallen, 
as  guilty,  even  before  the  jury  had  decided  on  his  case.  They 
retired  for  a  short  time,  and  returned.  Being  asked  for  their 
decision,  they  pronounced  him  guilty  of  treason. 

After  this  conclusion,  which  affected  the  auditors  according  to 
their  views  of  the  past  and  present  polity  of  the  kingdom,  John 
Cooke,  who  was  conspicuous  in  the  trial  of  the  King,  was 
brought  in  and  placed  with  Peters,  so  that  they  might  receive 
their  sentences  together.  The  Lord  Chief  Baron  addressed  them. 
"  You  know,  both  of  you,  the  rule  of  Law  is,  that  the  King  can 
do  no  wrong."  He  referred  them  to  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and 
observed,  that  the  legal  perfection  of  his  majesty  forbid  them  to 
break  it,  but  as  they  had  done  so  they  must  pay  the  penalty.  He 
observed,  that  even  if  they  did  not  intend  to  go  so  far  as  to  have 
him  put  to  death,  but  encouraged  his  imprisonment,  they  were 
traitors.  He  then  pronounced  the  sentence,  usual  for  the  crime 
charged  upon  them  ;  that  they  be  carried  back  to  prison,  thence 
be  drawn  on  a  hurdle  to  the  place  of  execution,  there  hung  by 
the  neck,  be  cut  down  while  alive,  have  their  entrails  taken  out, 
etc.,  and  burnt  before  their  eyes,  their  heads  cut  off,  their  bodies 
quartered,  and,  thus  divided,  be  disposed  of  at  the  royal  pleasure. 

So  closed  the  arraignment  of  Peters  with  one  of  the  heaviest 
denunciations,  of  which  human  language  is  capable,  or  which 
human  flispleasure  can  inflict.  The  momentous  scene,  through 
which  he  had  passed,  exhibited  him  as  leaning  on  Christian  prin- 
ciple, which  sustained  him,  under  the  accumulation  of  charges, 
that  subjected  him  to  a  speedy  and  awful  death. 

Thus  brought  to  the  extremity,  which  must  often  have  crossed 
his  mind  after  the  throne  was  reestablished,  Peters  goes  back  to 
his  confinement,  neither  the  better  nor  the  worse,  morally  consid- 
ered, for  the  judgment  passed  upon  his  person.  At  heart,  he  was 
the  same  man,  in  the  sight  of  his  Almighty  Protector,  with  the 
curse  of  human  law  upon  him,  as  he  would  have  been,  had  its 
favors  been  profusely  showered  upon  his   head.     This  w^as  his 


60  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters, 

consolation,  and  bore  him  above  the  frowns  of  a  false  and  fickle 
world. 

As  previously  expressed,  his  hope  of  being  cleared,  if  brought 
to  trial  on  the  accusation  against  him,  as  defined  by  the  Court, 
could  not  have  been  strong.  What  they  laid  down  as  treason, 
he  construed  as  the  fruit  of  love  for  rational  liberty.  How  far  his 
advice  and  efforts  for  the  security  and  continuance  of  free  govern- 
ment, tended  to  occasion  the  death  of  Charles  L,  can  never  be 
precisely  known  from  the  records  of  time.  As  confirmatory  of 
what  he  declared  while  at  the  bar,  we  have  his  deliberate  and 
solemn  asseveration  to  his  daughter,  "  I  never  had  hand  in  con- 
triving or  acting  his  death,  as  I  am  scandalized,  but  the  contrary 
to  my  mean  power.  I  confess  what  I  did,  I  did  strenuously ; 
never  was  angry  with  any  of  the  King's  party,  not  any  of  them, 
for  being  so  ;  thought  the  Parliament  authority  lawful ;  have  not 
had  my  hand  in  any  man's  blood,  but  saved  many  in  life  and 
estate."  In  the  practice  of  such  openness,  energy  and  benefi- 
cence, he  was  careful  to  avoid  the  extremes  not  only  of  severity 
to  royalists,  but  also  of  flattery  to  republicans.  He  remarked  as 
to  his  friend,  Lord  Grey,  "  I  advised  him  against  the  spirit  of  lev- 
elling. In  addresses  to  the  public,  while  flourishing  without  the 
Crosier  and  Crown,  he  was  faithful  to  rebuke  their  moral  defi- 
ciencies, and  to  urge  gospel  reform,  as  the  only  means  of  long- 
continued  and  vigorous  prosperity. 

Aside  from  Peters's  own  declarations.  Dr.  Barwick  asserted,  that 
the  charge  of  being  a  regicide  could  not  be  proved  against  him. 
Oldmixon,  in  his  history  of  the  Stuarts,  affirmed  that  Peters  "was 
not  at  all  concerned  in  the  King's  death  ;  if  Charles  the  Second 
had  regarded  the  promises  in  his  declaration,  to  pardon  all  but 
those  that  were,  his  life  had  been  saved."  There  was  strong  reason 
why  the  regal  clemency  should  have  been  extended  to  him,  as  it 
was  to  John  Milton,  Harry  Marty n,  and  John  Goodwin,  who 
were  co-workers  with  him  in  raising  up  and  sustaining  the  Com- 
monwealth. 

Even  on  the  supposition  that  Peters  and  his  friends  had  forfeit- 
ed their  lives,  as  actors  in  the  revolution,  able  arguments  were  })ub- 
lished  to  prove  that  they  should  be  spared.  Tlie  Traitor's  Claim, 
being  a  letter,  addressed  by  a  lawyer  to  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  Aug.  20,  16Gi,  took  such  a  position.  Its  plea  was 
founded  on  the  royal  proclamation  of  June,  l()f)(),  which  nujuired 
persons  accused  of  treason,  to  a})pear  before  tlic  Speaker  of  Par- 
liament, within  fourteen  days,  "under  j)ain  of  being  excepted 
from  any  pardon  or  indenniity,  botli  for  their  respective  lives  and 
estates."  A  few  of  its  passages  follow.  "  Seeing  to  be  drawn, 
hanged  and  quartered,  was  the  due  pain,  assigned  by  the  law  for 
their  treason,  exceptmi  from  pardon  was  a  new  pain,  on  the  new 
offence  of  the  latmcy  or  esca^ic  from  tryal^  whicli  if  it  imply  not 
immunity  on  their  aj)pearanc<',  1  must  confess  1  am  to  seek  wliat 
it  signifieth,  and  the  speecli  of  King  and  Parliament  nmst  be  {vox 
etpreterea  nihil)  insignificant.  Though  these  men  were  condemned, 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  61 

yet  their  lives  were  secured  unto  them,"  by  the  act  of  indemnity. 
"  The  condition  of  these  men  by  confidence  of  grace,  being  ren- 
dered worse  than  theirs,  that  fled  from  it.  The  General  summons 
a  garrison  to  be  yielded  within  twenty-four  hours,  on  pain  of  burn- 
ing to  the  town  and  slaughter  to  every  man.  They  yield  to  the 
summons  and  are  saved."  The  prisoners  "  can  never  be  drawn  to 
execution,  without  drawing  the  guilt  and  disgrace  of  cruelty, 
revenge  and  perfidie  on  a  Faith-Keeping  Prince  and  Parliament." 
The  opinions  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  cherished  by  Peters, 
were  essentially  the  same,  as  those  entertained,  professed  and 
practised  by  the  primitive  worthies  of  New  England.  They 
were  such  as  prompted  Bradford  and  his  coadjutors  to  stand 
against  the  plan  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  to  render  this 
country  a  strict  imitator  of  its  mother-kingdom  in  hierarchy  and 
royalty,  under  Robert  Gorges,  in  1623 ;  and  against  the  secret 
operations  of  most  among  their  company  in  England  to  plant 
Episcopacy,  under  John  Lyford,  at  Plymouth,  in  1624,  for  a  like 
purpose.  They  were  such  as  prompted  the  authorities  of  JMassa- 
chusetts  to  decline  compliance  with  an  order  of  the  Council,  in 
1634,  and,  also,  with  the  mandate  of  the  King,  in  1637,  to  give 
back  their  Charter,  and,  in  the  mean  while,  to  prepare  for  resist- 
ance to  the  landing  of  a  General  Governor  from  armed  ships,  con- 
tinually and  anxiously  expected,  as  the  commissioned  agent  to 
set  the  seal  of  death  on  all  their  free  institutions.  They  were  such 
as  restrained  John  Humfrey,  John  Endicott,  Richard  Bellingham, 
Increase  Nowell  and  William  Pynchon,  original  patentees,  named 
in  the  Charter,  from  disclaiming  this  document,  in  1636,  as  com- 
manded by  judicial  functionaries  of  the  Crown,  and  thus  brought 
upon  them  the  sentence  of  being  outlaws.  They  were  such  as 
led  New  Haven  to  afford  a  retreat  to  Whalley  and  Goffe,  charged 
with  the  same  ofience  as  Peters  was,  in  1660,  and  for  which 
among  other  evidences  of  anti-royalism,  they  had  their  territory 
swallowed  up,  in  1662,  by  the  charter  of  their  sister  colony,  Con- 
necticut. They  were  such  as  influenced  the  Massachusetts  Leg- 
islature to  decline  sending  over  William  Hathorne  and  others,  in 
1666,  to  answer  for  the  refusal  of  the  former  to  have  any  further 
negotiation  with  the  regal  commissioners,  concluding  that  they 
should  be  safer  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance  of  his  majes- 
ty's behest.  They  were  such  as  stimulated  New  England,  in 
1689,  to  throw  off"  the  usurpation  of  James  XL,  at  the  hazard  of 
being  defeated  and  punished  as  insurgents.  Indeed  Peters  acted 
with  as  upright  motives  in  taking  side  with  a  republican  Parlia- 
ment, as  the  best  of  our  country's  patriots  did  in  the  Revolution 
for  our  Independence.  The  judicial  authorities,  who  were  invet- 
erate against  him,  would  have  been  equally  so  against  them,  if 
convened  in  their  day  and  holding  similar  power  over  them.  The 
last  act  of  the  British  Government  in  this  State  is  an  exemplifi- 
cation of  such  language.  On  June  12,  1775,  Gage  issued  his 
proclamation,  offering  pardon  to  all  who  had  resisted  the  Crown, 
except  John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams,  "  whose  offences,"  as 


62  3Iemoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  ' 

he  declared,  "are  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of  any  other 
consideration,  than  that  of  condign  punishment."  Had  their 
cause  failed,  like  that  of  Peters,  and  they  been  captured  by  the 
victors,  they  would  have  been  numbered  among  the  martyrs  of 
freedom,  with  him  first  and  Vane  the  second.  While  speaking 
of  some  who  had  more  fully  advocated  the  execution  of  Charles, 
than  Peters,  if  he  actually  did  so,  but  still  were  spared,  one  of  the 
annotators  on  this  point  remarked,  "  Peters  therefore  suffered 
more  than  others,  though  he  had  done  less  to  deserve  it  than 
others,  which  we  may  suppose  was  contrary  to  his  expectation," 
as  expressed  in  his  Legacy. 

For  the  course  pursued  by  Peters,  many  were  the  execrations 
on  his  memory,  uttered  by  writers  of  more  zeal  than  discretion, 
more  boldness  than  accuracy.  Dr.  Grey  calls  him  "  the  ginger- 
bread prophet,  the  late  pastor  of  a  hunger-starved  flock  of  Salem, 
in  New  England,  that  disguised  executioner,  that  bloody  butcher 
of  the  King."  All  these  epithets  are  utter  falsehoods.  Certainly 
the  good  people  in  the  city  of  peace,  can  instantly  and  righteously 
stave  off' the  charge  on  their  reputation.  And  facts  can  similarly 
set  aside  the  rest  from  all  communion  with  decency  and  truth. 
We  would  not  doubt  the  sincerity  of  such  writers,  as  suffered 
their  love  for  restored  monarchy,  to  retail  not  only  "  twice-told" 
but  the  hundred-times-told  slanders  heaped  on  the  unsuccessful 
leaders  of  the  English  Commonwealth.  But  sincerity  is  often  at 
fault  in  the  eyes  of  veracity  and  equity.  For  cherishing  and 
manifesting  opinions  like  those  of  Peters,  many  were  the  hard 
names  whi(;h  the  Whigs  of  our  country  received  from  their  oppo- 
nents. P\)r  years,  they  were  altogether  styled  rebels  and  pirates. 
As  to  particulars,  we  extract  some  from  an  English  periodical,- 
called  the  Political  Magazine,  for  July,  1781. 

"John  Adams,  the  rebel  ambassador  at  Amsterdam,  was  origin- 
ally bred  to  the  law.  In  person,  he  is  a  clumsy,  middle-sized 
man,  and  according  to  all  appearance  by  taking  to  the  law  and 
politics  has  spoiled  an  able  ploughman  or  porter,  though  the  trade 
of  a  butcher  would  have  better  suited  the  bloody  bent  of  his  mind. 
He  has  read  Tristram  Shandy,  and  affects,  awkwardly  enough,  a 
smartness  which  does  not  at  all  corr(«spond  either  with  his  per- 
sonal figure,  or  with  his  natural  dulness."  Speaking  of  Thomas 
Cushing  and  Robert  Treat  Paine,  it  says,  "The  first  of  these  was 
a  distiller,  and  the  last  a  lawyer;  and  both  were  weak,  insignifi- 
cant men,  the  tools  of  Samuel  Adams,  the  grand  conlederate  of 
that  hoary  traitor,  Franklin."  But  one  more  of  its  subjects,  thus 
served  up,  will  be  presented.  "  Samuel  Huntingdon,  the  new  Pres- 
ident of  the  Rebel  Congress,  is  the  son  of  a  fanner.  He  was  bred 
to  the  law,  and  was  poor  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion,  but 
being  gifted  with  a  smooth  tongue,  and  being  insinuating  and 
deceitful,  has  become  popular,  and  probably  rich,  by  fleecing  his 
deluded  constituents."  What  a  gross  perversion  of  truth,  as  to  all 
these  patriots,  in  those  traits,  for  which  they  have  been  highly 
respected  and  esteemed ! 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  63 

While  those  and  many  other  leaders  of  the  American  revolu- 
tion are  deservedly  honored,  though  formerly  cast  down  to  the 
lowest  depths  of  infamy  by  the  tongues  and  pens  of  their  trans- 
Atlantic  opponents,  let  us  not  suffer  the  fame  of  Peters  to  be 
marred  and  blasted  by  the  outpourings  of  similar  billingsgate. 

Oct.  14.  The  next  day  after  the  condemnation  of  Peters,  he 
employed  part  of  his  time  very  pro])erly  for  one,  whose  ministra- 
tions on  earth  were  soon  to  terminate.  He  delivered  a  discourse 
in  Newgate,  from  42  Psalm,  11  vs.  "  Why  art  thou  cast  down, 
oh,  my  soul,"  etc.  Doctrine — "  The  best  of  God's  people  are  apt 
to  despond."  One  of  his  reasons  for  this  was,  "  When  our  afflic- 
tions ar^  many,  when  all  is  struck  at,  name,  estate,  relation  and 
liie  itself."  Among  the  means  presented  by  him  for  relief,  was, 
"  Be  careful  of  exercising  faith,  for  no  condition  of  man  super- 
sedes faith.  Now  what  is  the  exercise  of  faith,  but  rolling  upon 
Christ  and  staying  on  him?  Here  I'll  stick.  If  I  perish,  I  perish." 

The  sentiments  so  expressed  by  the  speaker,  fully  harmonized 
with  his  own  feelings.  While  imprisoned,  he  was,  at  times,  vis- 
ited with  depression  of  spirits,  an  occasional  complaint  of  long 
standing.  As  the  hour  of  his  departure  drew  on,  he  was  tried 
in  this  manner,  "  fearing,  as  he  would  often  say,  that  he  should 
not  go  through  his  sufferings  with  courage  and  comfort."  He 
observed,  "  though  it  was  a  cloudy  and  dark  day  with  him  for  a 
season,  yet  the  light  of  God's  grace  and  favor  would  break  forth 
at  last.  A  little  before  he  went  forth  to  execution  (as  many  can 
testify)  he  was  weU  composed  in  his  spirit  and  cheerfully  said,  I 
thank  God,  now  I  can  die.  I  can  look  death  in  the  face  and  not 
be  afraid." 

While  he  and  the  other  prisoners  were  seriously  expecting  their 
exit  from  life,  Drs.  Barwick  and  Dolben  waited  on  them.  They 
addressed  Peters  and  persuaded  him  to  a  "recantation  of  his 
former  activity  in  the  Parliament  cause,  by  a  promise  of  pardon 
from  the  King."  But  he  "  told  them,  that  he  had  no  cause,  in 
the  least,  to  repent  of  his  adhering  to  that  interest,  but  rather,  that 
he  had  in  the  prosecution  thereof,  done  no  more  for  God  and  his 
people  in  these  nations,  and  with  civiHty  dismissed  those  visi- 
tants," and  conversed  with  other  ministers  there,  whose  views 
were  more  congenial  with  his  own,  and  enabled  them  to  sympa- 
thize more  fully  with  him  in  his  affliction.  Could  he  have  brought 
himself,  as  others  did  under  the  same  accusation,  to  renounce  his 
political  creed,  contradict  his  numerous  professions  of  attachment 
to  popular  rights,  and  condemn  his  long  series  of  energetic  actions 
for  the  promotion  of  rational  liberty,  he  might  have  been  saved 
from  the  scaffold.  But  sooner  than  resist  the  protestations  of  his 
conscience  and  carry  with  him  through  the  rest  of  his  pilgrimage, 
the  bitter  recollections  of  violated  truth,  he  nobly  put  aside  the 
alluring  offer  and  gave  his  life,  as  the  fullest  test  of  his  rectitude. 

Cooke,  the  fellow  suff'erer  of  Peters,  observed  to  him,  the  even- 
ing before  their  execution,  "  Brother  Peters,  we  shall  be  in  heaven 
tomorrow,  in  bliss  and  glory ;  what  a  blessed  thing  is  that — my 


64  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

very  heart  leaps  within  me  for  joy !  I  am  just  now  as  I  was  in 
the  storm,  almost  in  sight  of  heaven."  He  referred  to  his  feelings 
in  a  gale  of  wind,  while  crossing  the  Irish  channel.  He  then 
desired  his  friend  to  read  passages  from  Isaiah  and  Hosea.  The 
next  morning  he  said,  "  Come,  brother  Peters,  let  us  knock  at 
heaven's  gate.  God  will  open  the  doors  of  Eternity  to  us  before 
twelve  of  the  clock,  and  let  us  into  that  innumerable  company 
of  saints  and  angels,  and  to  the  souls  of  just  men,  made  per- 
fect, and  then  we  shall  never  part  more,  but  be  with  the  Lord  for- 
ever and  ever."  This  and  other  instances  relative  to  the  man- 
ner, in  which  Peters  spent  his  time  in  prison  after  his  condemna- 
tion, render  it  fully  evident,  that  his  whole  deportment  was  then 
eminently  spiritual  and  such  as  preparation  for  an  exchange  of 
worlds,  rationally  and  scripturally  demanded.  And  yet  the  pen 
of  slander  represented,  that  he  had,  in  that  solemn  period,  shaken 
"  off  all  sense  of  piety,  if  ever  he  had  any." 

On  the  16th,  the  last  day  that  he  was  to  behold  the  light  of 
temporal  life,  Peters  was  drawn  on  a  sled  to  Charing  Cross.  Here 
he  was  placed  within  the  rails,  so  that  his  sensibility  might  be 
excited  and  lacerated  at  the  sight  of  his  friend  Cooke's  sufferings. 
So  situated,  a  person  rudely  approached  and  upbraided  him,  as 
a  regicide  and  bade  him  repent.  Thus  accosted,  he  answered, 
"Friend,  you  do  not  well  to  trample  on  a  dying  man  ;  you  are 
greatly  mistaken  ;  I  had  nothing  to  do  in  the  death  of  the  King." 
When  Cooke  was  taken  down  and  about  to  be  quartered,  the 
sheriff's  men  were  ordered  to  bring  Peters  nearer,  that  he  might 
have  a  more  distinct  view  of  the  awful  scene.  The  hangman 
soon  came  up,  besmeared  with  blood  and  rubbing  his  gory  hands 
together,  tauntingly  inquired,  "how  do  you  hke  this,  Mr.  Peters  ?  " 
He  firmly  replied,  "  I  am  not,  I  thank  God,  terrified  at  it ;  you 
may  do  your  worst."  When  going  to  the  gallows,  he  bent  a 
piece  of  gold,  and  desired  a  man  whom  he  knew,  to  carry  it 
where  his  daughter  lodged  and  give  it  to  her  as  his  dying  token 
of  parental  benediction,  and  "  That  his  heart  was  as  full  of  com- 
fort as  it  could  be,  and  that  before  that  piece  should  come  to 
her  hands,  he  should  be  with  God  in  glory."  Being  on  the  lad- 
der, he  addressed  the  Sheriff,  "  Sir,  you  have  here  slain  one  of 
the  servants  of  God  before  my  eyes,  and  have  made  me  behold  it, 
on  purpose  to  terrify  and  discourage  me ;  but  God  hath  made  it 
an  ordinance  to  me  for  my  strengthening  and  encouragement." 
He  offered  some  remarks  and  prayed,  l)ut  the  most  of  what  he 
uttered  was  not  audible  enough  to  he  noted  (hnvn.  But  tlie  sub- 
sequent passage,  however,  was  preserved.  "  What,  flesh,  art  thou 
unwiUing  to  go  to  God  through  the  fire  and  jaws  of  death  ?  Oh  ! 
this  is  a  good  day.  He  is  come,  that  I  have  long  looked  for,  and 
1  shall  be  with  him  in  glory."  With  his  face  irradiated  with  the 
smile  of  heavenly  assurance,  his  spirit  soon  took  ils  /light;  and, as 
we  trust,  to  becomes  the  suhjeet  of  a  C-ommonwealdi,  liable  to  no 
change  IVoni  inunan  frailties,  but  ever  disixMising  its  blissful  bene- 
fits to  the  myriads  within  it;s  perfect  jurisdiction. 


Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters.  65 

While  the  immortal  part  of  Peters  had  o^one  to  enter  on  eternal 
realities,  his  remains  were  treated  with  the  indi^rnities,  which 
the  sentence  decreed.  His  body  being  quartered,  his  head  was 
set  on  a  pole  on  London  bridge.  Thus  he  died,  in  subjection  to 
the  penalty  of  the  law,  aefcd  sixty-one  years.  Of  him  and  his 
companions  in  aflliction.  Goldsmith  remarked,  ''  Thev  bore  the 
scorn  of  the  multitude  and  the  cruelty  of  the  executioner,  not 
simply  with  fortitude,  but  with  the  spirit  and  confidence  of  mar- 
tyrs, who  suflered  for  having  done  their  duty.'' 

Among  the  signs  of  popular  dislike  to  the  execution  of  such  as 
were  charged  with  being  regicides,  various  prodigies,  mostly,  if 
not  altogether  fabulous,  were  reported  to  have  occurred  and  been 
seen  on  the  day  of  their  exit.  One  was,  that  a  person,  "  inveigh- 
ing against  Peters,  as  he  went  to  the  Gibbet,  was  torn  and 
almost  killed  by  his  own  tame,  favorite  dog." 

Soon  after  the  decease  of  Peters,  and  in  the  same  year,  a  ser- 
mon of  his,  taken  from  the  notes  of  a  reporter,  was  printed.  I'he 
preface  implies,  that  however  the  author  of  the  cliscourse  had 
incurred  public  censure,  yet  his  instructions  should  be  received  on 
their  own  merits  ;  they  were  "  not  as  a  Trumpet  sounding  rebel- 
lion, but  as  a  schoolmaster  teaching  religion."  The  text  was 
from  Isaiah,  dd  c.  6  vs.  '•  Seek  the  Lord,  while  he  may  be  found, 
call  ye  upon  him,  while  he  is  near.''  The  whole  subject  was  han- 
dled ably  and  impressively. 

Thus  we  have  looked  at  various  points  in  the  remarkable  his- 
tory of  Hugh  Peters.  They  are  more  and  have  called  us  over 
greater  space,  than  was  anticipated  and  desired  in  our  outset. 
Before  we  take  our  final  leave  of  his  memorials,  justice  bids  us 
notice  some  reproaches  upon  his  reputation,  by  worthy  authors  of 
our  own  country.  With  their  eye  more  fixed  on  the  caricatiu^es 
of  advocates  for  "  passive  obedience,"'  under  all  circumstances, 
than  on  the  fair  deductions  of  truth,  they  have  fallen  into  the 
error  of  describing  him,  in  his  general  character,  as  coarse,  fierv^ 
cruel,  weak  and  ignorant.  No  investigator,  who  has  candidly 
gone  through  the  details  of  his  biography  and  sifted  fact  from 
fiction,  could  ever  accurately  arrive  to  such  a  conclusion.  Was 
he  coarse  ?  In  the  many  and  various  instances  which  we  have  of 
his  personal  intercourse  with  others,  he  was  a  pattern  of  kind 
civility. 

As  to  his  mode  of  expression,  we  now  and  then  meet  \\ith 
words  which  were  current  in  his  day,  but  in  ours  not  so  smooth 
as  literary  taste  demands.  But  being  noted  down  bv  reporters 
for  the  press,  some  of  them  probably  never  came  from  his  lips,  but 
were  merely  given  as  the  signs  of  his  thoughts.  Take  his  stvle 
altogether,  as  it  comes  to  us,  without  the  finish  of  leisure  and 
retirement,  and  we  find  nothing  in  it  which  can  equitablv  fix 
upon  him  the  prevalent  characteristic  of  coarseness.  Was  he 
fiery  ?  If  by  this  inquiry  we  are  to  understand,  that  he  was 
unusually  passionate  and  rash,  it  finds  no  warrant  either  from  his 
actions.     That  he  was  zealous  and  actuated  with 


6Q  Memoir  of  Hugh  Peters. 

strong  feeling  in  the  numerous  and  important  enterprises,  which 
he  undertook  and  prosecuted  with  approbation  from  high  author- 
ities, there  is  no  doubt.  Was  he  cruel  ?  This  is  the  last  question 
which  has  any  pertinent  or  constructive  application  to  him.  In 
genuine,  active,  untiring,  frequent  and  great  beneficence  to  those 
of  other  parties  and  other  nations,  as  well  as  his  own,  he  stood 
preeminent.  Verily,  if  the  qualities  of  "  Great  Heart,"  as  given 
by  Bunyan,  ever  belonged  to  any  man,  it  did  to  Hugh  Peters. 
Was  he  weak  ?  If  the  interrogation  refers  to  deficiency  of  intel- 
lect, energy  and  perseverance,  it  should  be  met  with  a  decided 
negative.  The  implication  of  such  a  trait  may  have  been  predi- 
cated on  his  occasional  depression  of  spirits.  If  so,  this  infirmity 
is  more  to  be  commiserated  than  censured,  and  is  entirely  con- 
sistent with  strength  of  mind  and  purity  of  morals.  Was  he 
ignorant?  Any  person  who  reflects  on  his  advantages  of  educa- 
tion, society  and  travel ;  on  the  many  and  eminent  trusts  com- 
mitted to  his  care,  requiring  tact,  talent,  and  intelligence,  and 
successfully  discharged ;  on  the  productions  of  his  pen,  which 
abound  with  historical,  classical,  biblical  and  general  knowledge, 
cannot  but  wonder  how  it  ever  came  to  pass,  that  such  a  man 
should  be  called  an  ignoramus.  Had  the  cotemporaries  of  Peters 
in  this  country,  believed  that  the  portraiture  of  him,  so  drawn  with 
colors,  borrowed  from  the  pallet  of  transatlantic  malignity,  was 
true  to  the  life,  they  would  never  have  cherished  the  high  respect 
for  him,  which  the  subsequent  testimony  implies.  Chalmers,  in 
his  Political  Annals,  relates  the  words  of  John  Crown,  as  deliver- 
ed before  royal  functionaries,  when  our  colonies  were  in  anxious 
suspense  lest  the  policy  of  Charles  II.  would  destroy  their  civil 
and  religious  liberties.  The  deposition  follows.  "  Being  in  com- 
pany of  several  merchants  at  Boston,  and  discoursing  of  Hugh 
Peters  and  his  execution,  some  persons  did  there  say,  that  there 
were  many  godly  in  New  England,  that  dared  not  condemn 
what  Hugh  Peters  had  done." 

Passing  from  ill-founded  conclusions,  we  will  glance  at  the 
relative  concerns  of  Peters.  In  his  domestic  affairs  he  was 
worthy  of  imitation.  Of  his  first  wife  he  spoke  in  high  terms, 
and  blessed  God  for  the  preciousness  of  her  memory.  His  second, 
though  bereft  of  her  reason  i'or  twenty  years,  was  the  constant 
object  of  his  aflectionate  solicitude.  He  set  apart  a  generous 
portion  of  his  income  for  her  suj)port.  His  parental  attachment 
was  strong  and  faithful.  This  is  evinced  in  his  last  counsel  and 
message  to  his  alllicted  daughter.  In  his  clerical  connexions,  he 
deeply  realized  i\w.  sacred  responsibility  of  them,  and  the  divine 
blessing  gave  him  ninltitudes,  as  the  seals  of  liis  ministry.  In  liis 
social  and  poUtical  relations,  j)ul)lic  good,  temporal,  spiritual  and 
eternal,  was  a  chief  object  of  his  wishes,  plans,  purposes  and 
efforts. 

Having  thus  taken  a  review  of  Peters  in  the  varied  incidents  of 
his  career  and  the  traits  of  his  character,  we  are  admonishc^l  that 
it  is  time  to  close.     Before,  however,  we  do   this,  it  may  be  well 


Memoir  of  HagJi  Peters.  67 

to  give  our  estimate  of  him,  from  the  data  already  presented,  as 
we  did  prospectively  at  the  beginning  of  this  memoir.  It  is  as 
fully  and  sincerely  our  belief  now  as  it  was  then,  that  he,  with 
the  usual  infirmities  of  our  race,  was  as  far  removed  from  their 
dominion  and  possessed  as  many  excellences,  as  the  most  of  his 
day,  the  remembrance  of  whose  worthiness  we  cherish  with  more 
than  ordinary  respect  and  esteem.  The  tribute  we  heartily  ren- 
der to  these,  should  not  be  withheld  from  him.  The  crown  we 
award  to  them  for  having  run  well,  is  equally  his  due. 

After  the  presentation  of  a  few  items  as  to  the  person  and  fam- 
ily of  Peters,  we  will  take  our  leave  of  this  subject.     With  refer- 
ence to  the  first,  he  was  above  the  common  stature,  erect  and 
muscular.     His  countenance  wears  the  likeness  of  his  character, 
open,  energetic,  intelligent,  benevolent  and   striking.     His  last 
wife  was  in  London,  1677,  where  she  had  been  supported  by  l\Ir. 
Cockquaine  and  his  church  since  his  death.     Then  application 
was  made  for  the  congregation  of  Salem  and  others,  who  might 
sympathize  with  her  troubles,  to  render  her  some  assistance.    His 
daughter  Elizabeth  was  baptized  1640.     In  his  parting  advice  to 
her,  he  observed,  "  your  faithfulness  to  me  and  your  mother  will 
find  acceptance  in  heaven,  I  trust."     She  was  a  widow  Barker, 
of  Deptford,  in  the  County  of  Kent,  1703,  when  she  gave  a  letter 
of  attorney  to  collect  property  in  Salem,  which  belonged  to  her 
father.     Six  years  afterwards  she  still  survived.     How  he  was  a 
parent  to  John  Winthrop,  jr.  as  stated  by  Roger  Williams,  is  a 
hard  problem,   not  yet  solved.     But,   whatever   were    his   con- 
nexions, and  however  bitter  the  cup  of  his   trials  here,  there  is 
reason  to  believe,  that  he  has  long  known  the  blessedness  of 
celestial  relationship,  in  which  there  is  no  disappointment,   no 
alloy,  no  sin,  no  sorrow,  but  assurance,  purity,  holiness  and  joy, 
ever  progressive  and  abounding. 

To  close,  we  quote  the  following  lines,  under  his  likeness,  in 
the  beginning  of  his  Legacy,  composed  by  some  one,  like  ^Milton, 
who  faithfully  stood  for  his  virtues,  amid  the  denunciations  of  the 
throne. 

"  Lo,  heere.  the  dictates  of  a  dying  man  ! 
Marke  well  his  note !  who  like  the  expiring  swan, 
Wisely  presaging  her  approaching  doom, 
Sings  in  soft  charmes  her  Epicoedium. 
Such,  such  are  his,  who  was  a  shining  lamp, 
Which  though  extinguisht  by  a  fatal  damp, 
Yet  his  last  breathings  shall,  like  incense  hurl'd, 
On  sacred  alters,  soe  perfume  the  world, 
That  the  next  will  admire  and,  out  of  doubt. 
Reuere  that  torch  light,  which  this  age  put  out." 


Errata. — p.  6,  1.  45,  read  least  for  last ;    p.  11.  I.  11,  reed  Thomas  for  Samuel;    p. 
22,  1.  45,  read  Peters"  for  Peters :  p.  39,  1.  2S,  read  preachers'  for  preachers. 


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